Calvinists, although the measure of it was much inferior to what they had previously enjoyed. This settlement accordingly became a mere suspension of hostilities: it gave the combatants on either side a breathing-time, which they employed in preparations for a longer and a bloodier conflict (1567-1570). One act of violence was rapidly succeeded by another; the atrocious pictures of the ordinary civil-war were darkened in this case by deeds of private vengeance and the outburst of fanaticism, regardless of all discipline, and deaf to all the gentler instincts of humanity; and when at length the tempest seemed to be exhausted3, and the Huguenots again assembled in great numbers at the French metropolis, the transient calm was broken by the shrieks and execrations rising from the diabolical massacre, that was perpetrated under the guidance of Catharine de' Medici, on the morning of St. Bartholomew (Aug. 24, 1572). By it there fell in Paris, according to the most moderate calculation, two thousand Protestants, and in France at large as many as twenty thousand. The noble-hearted Coligny perished in meetings: Ranke, 1. 326, 327. Coligny expressed his strong dissatisfaction on learning the terms of the treaty as negociated by Condé: De Félice, 1. 169. 1 The enormities committed are chargeable almost equally on both factions. De Félice, in particular, laments the relaxation of discipline among the Huguenots, and also their fanatical outrages. "They broke the consecrated vessels, mutilated the statues of the saints, and scattered their relics. These excesses produced in the hearts of the Catholics a rage which it is impossible to describe.' 2 Soon after the battle of St. Denis (Nov. 10, 1567), which proved fatal to the Guise general, the Constable Montmorency, his place was supplied by the youthful Duke of Anjou. Under him the war was reopened (March 13, 1569) by a victory over the Huguenots at Jarnac, where Condé their general was taken prisoner, and assassinated with the approbation of the duke: Smedley, I. 322, 323. Henry of Navarre was henceforth recognized as 'Protector' of the Huguenots. 3 The peace of St. Germain-enLaye was concluded (Aug. 8, 1570), and provided that the Huguenots should be in future unmolested on account of their religion: Ibid. 1. 343, 344. 4 See the excellent narrative in Ranke, Civil Wars, &c. II. 1-51: and cf. Audin, Hist. de la SaintBarthélemy, Paris, 1826. The horror which the massacre excited in England is well expressed by Sir Thomas Smith, in Smedley, II. 55. this number, while the two young cousins, Henry prince of FRANCE. Condé and Henry of Navarre, escaped with difficulty; both of them compelled to purchase safety by the temporary abjuration of their faith. But after the Calvinistic party rose again, and proved its heroism at the siege of La Rochelle, the new monarch (Henry III.), who succeeded in 1574, saw reason for increased alarm at the predominance of the Guises. The ecclesiastical predilections, no less than the political interests of this family, were more and more identified with the advances of an ultra-Romish faction in the state; and therefore, instead of uniting with the feeble king in his pacificatory measures, they finally proceeded to negociate a League with Philip II. of Spain, in order to secure the extirpation of reformed opinions, not in France only, but the Netherlands. Their attitude became in truth so menacing as to drive the king into open war with them, and ultimately to effect a reconciliation between himself and the political Huguenots (1589). Immediately afterwards Henry was assassinated, and notwithstanding the papal interdict against the Bourbons, his crown descended to their branch of the royal family as represented by the protestant, Henry of Navarre, whose struggles with the League were only terminated four years later by his own abandonment of protestantism 10 (June 25, 1593). He did Henry of Navarre was not restored to the Huguenots till 1576: on his escape see Smedley, II. 133. His cousin died prematurely in 1588. 6 On its origin and character see Ranke, II. 137 sq. 7 Ibid. pp. 225 sq. 8 The assassin was Jacques Clément, a Dominican of Sens, on whom see Smedley, II. 273 sq. See the imperious bull of Sixtus V. (Sept. 9, 1585) in Goldast, Monarch. Imperii, III. 124. On its arrival in Paris, Pierre de l'Estoile (Mémoires, p. 299, ed. Petitot, 1825) 10 He seems to have been deter- FRANCE. not, however, withdraw his sympathies entirely from his old adherents; and accordingly, while the principles on which he governed France were tending to bind up her wounds and silence many of her wildest factions, they had also the effect of vindicating in some measure the forgotten liberties of the Gallican Church1. The perfect freedom of the Huguenots in matters of religion was also guaranteed in the celebrated document2 entitled, from the place of its publication, the 'Edict of Nantes,' and solemnly declared to be perpetual and irrevocable (1598). SCOTLAND. THE fears that Scotland entertained of her immediate neighbour, had for centuries induced her rulers to negociate alliances with France3. At the beginning of the Reformation-period this connexion led to the ascendancy of French interests in the government; and in proportion as Henry VIII. of England advocated his selfish scheme for expediting the union of the two crowns, the leaders of the his convictions to his duty.' He was pion, in Philippe de Mornay (seigneur Duplessis), a learned and zealous reformer: see De Félice, 1. 263 sq. One of his most elaborate works (1598) is entitled, De l'institution, usage et doctrine du Saint Sacrement de l'Eucharistie en l'Eglise Ancienne. 1 There was already in France a considerable party adverse to those decisions of the Council of Trent which related to the constitution of the Church and its reform: see Ranke, I. 332. 2 See, respecting it, Benoist, Hist. de l'édit de Nantes, Delft, 1693. 3 At first the influence of the French was employed in mediating between England and Scotland, but after 1346 they frequently instigated the Scots to invade the neighbouring kingdom. Scotish nation had been still more under the necessity of sCOTLAND. looking to their continental friends for counsel and support. The second queen of James V. of Scotland was Mary of Lorraine, a daughter of the duke of Guise, whose family we saw identified with projects aiming at the extirpation of the Huguenots, and the establishment of ultra-Romanism. It was accordingly to be expected, that during the minority of the daughter of James V., the celebrated Mary Queen of Scots, by whom he was succeeded in 1542, and also after the marriage of this princess to the dauphin of France in 1559, the foreign influence would not only continue to prevail, but throw up barriers in the way of those who undertook to urge the reformation of the Scotish Church. Yet, notwithstanding the resistance thus offered by political arrangements, Scotland in its turn was ultimately shaken by the great convulsions of the sixteenth century. It is possible that some faint echoes of the Lollard doctrines lingered here and there; but he who first disseminated the characteristic tenets of the Lutherans was Patrick Hamilton. His name occurs among the earliest entries at the Hessian University of Marburg". On returning in 1528 to his native country, where he enjoyed the rank of titular abbot of Ferne7, we find him preaching with 4 Above, pp. 137, 141. Respecting the Lollards of Kyle,' who to the number of thirty persons were cited before the King and his Council in 1494, see Knox, Hist. of the Reform. in Scotland (reprinted for the Wodrow Society, Edinb. 1846), 1. 7 sq. The tenth and eleventh articles would be especially obnoxious to the authorities: 'That everie faythfull man or woman is a preast: That the unctioun of kingis ceassed at the cuming of Christ' (p. 9). Knox welcomed these precursors on the ground that God had thereby retained within the realm 'some sponk of His light, evin in the tyme of grettast darkness:' p. IO. 6 Above, p. 74: cf. Ranke, Ref. II. 539. 7 According to Mr. Laing, the editor of Knox, Hamilton 'was not in holy orders' (I. 14, n. 3); yet the contrary is plainly stated in John Frith's contemporaneous preface to A Brief Treatise of Mr. Patrike Hamilton, called Patrike's Places: 'who, to testifie the truth, sought all meanes, and tooke upon him Priesthode (even as Paule circumcised Timothy, to wynne the weake Jewes,) that he might be admitted to preache the pure Word of God' (Ibid. p. 20); cf. SCOTLAND. considerable freedom and effect against the practical corruptions of the Church, ascribing them to serious errors in the general teaching of the clergy, and propounding the ideas he had imported from Germany on the nature of baptism, faith, free-will, penances, auricular confession and purgatory. He was also charged with holding that the popes are 'Antichristian,' and that every priest has been invested with as much authority as they. Opinions of this startling character excited the abhorrence of the ecclesiastical rulers, and brought their chief abettor to the stake (March 1, 1527-8). The same hostility was afterwards manifested by the parliament of Scotland, when the smoke of Patrick Hamilton having infected as many as it blew upon2,' a rigorous act was passed (June 12, 1535) against those who hold, dispute or rehearse, the damnable opinions of the great heretic Luthers. But this fulmination also proved inefficacious: Spotswood, Hist. of the Church and 1 Their sentence is given by Cal- 6 2 The author of this expression was a meary gentillman, named Johnne Lyndesay, famylliar to Bischope James Betoun' (Knox, I. 42), who had observed that after Hamil ton's death the new opinions spread with great rapidity. Respecting the principal sufferers, of whom a majority seem to have been mendicants, see Calderwood, I. 86 sq. 3 This, according to Bp. Keith, Hist. of the affairs of Church and State in Scotland, I. 27 (reprinted for the Spottiswoode Society, Edinb. 1844) was in ratification of proceeding which began ten years before. Find years later a reformatory act wa passed (March 14, 1540-1), requiring all archbishops, bishops, ordinaries and other prelates, and every kirk man in his own degree, to reform themselves, their obediences and kirkmen under them, in habit and manners to God and man,' etc. Ibid p. 29. Other evidence exists to shew that on the death of James V. (1541) the need of reformation was mor generally felt; e. g. it was allowed by the parliament (March 15, 15423) that all persons might have the Holy Writ, to wit, the New Testa |