hension of truth: 1 the Hellenes who philosophized accurately saw God. Before the coming of Christ, philosophy represented the righteousness and justification of the Hellenes; by it God was glorified among them.4 The Christians brought together and gathered up the gifts bestowed by God both on Hellenes and Hebrews. 5 Yet there are a good many qualifying clauses in Clemens' eulogy. In speaking of philosophy as a Divine gift, he uses language indicating rather a random or accidental, than a direct, bestowal: 6 he says, for instance, in one place, that philosophy was maliciously stolen by the devil and given to men, and that God, knowing about it, and knowing also that the gift was not hurtful, did not intervene to prevent it, but directed the issue of Satan's audacity to human advantage. Nor, in appraising philosophy in this way, does he mean his remarks to apply to the whole of it, but limits his commendation, now to the good and true things said by all schools,8 now to the philosophy "of which the Socrates in Plato speaks.” 9 He does not, of course, regard the false conclusions of philosophers as Divinely bestowed.10 In various ways he brings out the imperfection of the philosophical as compared with the Christian method of arriving at the truth.11 As for the function of philosophy under the Christian dispensation, Clemens maintains that it does not ruin life or drag us away from the faith,12 but is still useful for piety,13 and he does not shrink from embodying what is best in it in his own work.14 In any case it is needful that the writings of the philosophers should be studied and quoted, for the purpose of full Christian knowledge, apologetics, and propaganda.15 Origenes seems to have taken the main position of his great predecessor in regard to Hellenic philosophy for granted. What 1 Cl. Strom. I. xx. 97. 2 Op. cit. I. xix. 94. * Op. cit. I. v. 28 (ἦν μὲν οὖν πρὸ τῆς τοῦ Κυρίου παρουσίας εἰς δικαιοσύνην Ἕλλησιν ἀναγκαία φιλοσοφία), xx. 99 (καίτοι καὶ καθ ̓ ἑαυτὴν ἐδικαίου ποτὲ καὶ ἡ φιλοσοφία τοὺς Ἕλληνας, οὐκ εἰς τὴν καθόλου δὲ δικαιοσύνην, εἰς ἣν εὑρίσκεται συνεργός), VI. vi. 44 (τοῖς δὲ κατὰ φιλοσοφίαν δικαίοις οὐχ ἡ πίστις μόνον ἡ εἰς τὸν Κύριον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸ ἀποστῆναι τῆς εἰδωλολατρείας ἔλειπεν). Op. cit. VI. V. 42. Op. cit. vI. v. 42, xvii. 160. 7 Op. cit. 1. xvii. 81, 83. Op. cit. I. v. 28, vii. 37. 8 Op. cit. 1. vii. 37; cf. i. 15, xiii. 57. • Op. cit. I. xix. 92: ἐκείνην περὶ ἧς καὶ ὁ παρὰ Πλάτωνι λέγει Σωκράτης. 10 Op. cit. I. vii. 37 fin. 11 Op. cit. 1. xvi. 80, xviii. 89, xix. 95, xx. 97–99, v. v. 29, VI. v. 39f, xv. 117. 12 Op. cit. 1. ii. 20. 13 Op. cit. I. v. 28. 15 Op. cit. 1. i. 15, ii. 19, vi. 35, ix. 43-45. rejoices because Octavius phorum telis retudisset '). 14 Op. cit. 1. i. 15. Cf. Minuc. xxxix. (Minucius quibus armantur philoso 'maleuolos isdem illis he says is in harmony with the teaching of Clemens, though he does not argue the subject out at such length or in such detail. He is very ready to recognize points in common between Christian and philosophic teaching:1 he offered to "testify cordially" to anything good or true that Celsus might be found to have written on practical life. He commends the philosophers for abandoning superstitious food-taboos and other irrational customs.3 He speaks of the Hellenes generally as wise men-men of no small learning.4 He thought it possible that Plato knew deeper doctrines than he wrote. His pupil Gregorius tells us of the passionate devotion to philosophic study with which the great master inspired his pupils. He asked Gregorius to extract from the writings of the philosophers a collection of passages which might serve as a course of study in preparation for Christianity." He defended himself in a letter against some who criticized him for his proficiency in Hellenic learning.8 CHRISTIANITY AS A PHILOSOPHY.-Christianity itself was, in fact, becoming more of a philosophy than ever. We have seen that the Church now included numbers of well-educated and intellectual people, who were keenly alive to the deeper problems of theology and ethics. The need of meeting the attacks of pagan thinkers as well as the natural propensity of the human mind— drove Christian leaders to make the philosophical habit of mind their own. Great thinkers like Clemens and Origenes were masters of Hellenic philosophy. Clemens' work was dependent on that of the Roman philosopher Musonius Rufus : he chose, as a designation for the fully developed Christian the term 'the Gnostic': 10 he maintained that, while learning was not necessary to a believer, it was highly beneficial, nor could all the things declared in the 1 Orig. Cels. i. 4f, vii. 58f; cf. viii. 52. 2 Orig. Cels. viii. 76; cf. iii. 49. 3 Orig. Cels. v. 35. 6 Orig. Princ. II. ix. 5. Orig. Cels. vi. 6. Greg. Thaum. Paneg. i. 3, vi. 75-85, xi. 133-135, 141: see other references on p. 320 n 4. 7 Orig. Epist. to Greg. I. The Gnomes of Sextus or Xystus-a collection of moral and religious passages of a philosophic kind, containing only two distinctively Christian sentences, but either compiled or adapted by a Christian before the time of Origenes (DCB iv. 1202f; Harnack C ii. 190-192)—is a further indication of the growing tendency to appropriate philosophy for Christian purposes. Eus. HE vi. xix. 11-14. Gregorius (Paneg. x. 127f, xi. 139, xiv. 162) and Dionysius of Alexandria (epi puσews 1, Feltoe 131f: the universe seems to be a unity to ἡμῖν τε καὶ τοῖς σοφωτάτοις Ελλήνων Πλάτωνι καὶ Πυθαγόρᾳ καὶ τοῖς ἀπὸ τῆς Στοᾶς καὶ ̔Ηρακλείτῳ) spoke of certain of the Hellenic philosophers in terms of great respect. Neumann SK 114: on the general subject, Harnack KS 141f, 10 Cl. Strom. II. x. 46, etc.; Gwatkin ECH ii. 174f. 6 faith be understood without it. Not only does the Gnostic prefer Hellenic philosophy to any other form of recreation, and feast on it as on a kind of dessert at supper,2 but philosophy is also the Christian's serious business, alike for women as for men.3 "Is it not needful," asks Clemens, "for him who longs to attain to the power of God to discuss intellectual subjects philosophically?" 4 In Minucius' dialogue, Octavius is represented as arguing that poverty and humble rank do not disqualify men for philosophy.5 Dionysius of Alexandria speaks of the great pleasure of philosophizing. Of Origenes' respect for Hellenic philosophy and his interest both in studying and teaching it, mention has already been made." He taught philosophy and other studies as an aid to the understanding of scriptural and religious truth. He denied the charge that Christians had no respect for wisdom and called only the unlearned; and he heartily agreed with Celsus that an education is no hindrance to the knowledge of God.10 He admitted that, while he tried to help the uneducated, he sought by preference those who were more intellectual as better materials for building up the Christian community.11 Most significant of all he was the first to attempt the truly philosophic task of presenting the whole substance of Christian doctrine in the form of a methodically articulated system.12 CHAPTER V ATTITUDE TO HEATHEN RELIGION THE DIVINE NATURE.-Behind most of the points of difference between Christianity and paganism lay the fundamental difference of their views as to the nature of the Deity. The Christians con 1 Cl. Strom. I. vi. 35f. 3 Cl. Strom. IV. viii. 62. Minuc. xvi. 5f. 2 Cl. Strom. VI. xviii. 162. Dion. Alex. Tepi púσews (Feltoe 158f). Cf. also Eus. HE vi. ii. 8, 15, xviii. 4, xix. 3, 11-14 (his training in the various branches of Hellenic learning); Orig. Cels. vi. 24 (... KATȧ TÒ φιλομαθὲς ἡμῶν). Eus. HE VI. xviii. 4, xxx. Cf. pp. 320, 323, 327f; also Orig. Cels. vi. 7, 37. On the question of the Christianity of the philosopher Ammonius, the master of Origenes, cf. Eus. HE vi. xix. 7–10, DCB i. 102f. • Orig. Cels. iii. 45–48. 10 Orig. Cels. iii. 49. 11 Orig. Cels. iii. 74 : συστῆσαι τὸ Χριστιανῶν ἄθροισμα, 12 Harnack KS 142. 6 tinually insisted on this matter as one of the very first importance.1 They constantly asserted (in opposition to the usual pagan view) that God is one,2 invisible, incorporeal; 4 that He cannot be localized or confined to one place at a time; 5 that He is not subject to human passions; that He is not to be confounded with the things which He has created and by which He is known; 7 and that the latter are not to be accorded the worship due to Him alone. They would not admit the pagan pleas that it was a matter of indifference by what name the Divine Being was called, and that it was wisest to remain in contented ignorance of the Divine nature 10 (though of course in certain respects they regarded God as incomprehensible 11): nor would they allow the philosophic ideas of Fate 12 or chance 13 to pass uncriticized and unchallenged. The blindness of the pagan mind to the nature of God 14 was due to sin,15 in fact was itself a sin,16 and due also to the work of demons.17 The recognition of the true God was not merely possible, but urgently necessary.18 Christians were never weary of pointing the finger of scorn at the foolish, unworthy, and often grossly indecent 1 Ps-Mel. 2 (113), 6 fin. (118) (" And know that the chief of thy good works is this: that thou know God, and serve Him"), 10 fin (121) ("from error arise all those evils ; but the greatest of all errors is this: when a man is ignorant of God, and in God's stead worships that which is not God"). Theoph. ii. 35; Cl. Protr. x. 103, Strom. VI. xviii. 163; Orig. Cels. viii. 2-8, 11-14 on the testimony of the unprejudiced human consciousness to the oneness of God, cf. Tert. Test. 2; Minuc. xviii. 11. 3 Theoph. i. 5; Orig. Cels. vi. 69; Minuc. xviii. 8. Cl. Strom. VII. v. 29; Orig. Cels. i. 21, vi. 69, vii. 27. Cl. Strom. VII. iv. 22, vi. 30. 7 Theoph. i. 5f; Cl. Protr. x. 98. Theoph. i. 10, ii. 35; Cl. Protr. ii. 26, 39, iv. 63, v. 64-66, vi. 67; Act. Apoll. 18, 21; Tert. Nat. i. 11-14, ii. 5f, 8, 15, Apol. 16; Ps-Mel. 2, 3 fin. (113f), 10 fin (121); Hipp. Ref. iv. 43 (43); Orig. Mart. 7, Cels. i. 20, iii. 17-19, v. 6-13, vi. 4, viii. 66f; Minuc. xxviii. 7-9. Orig. Mart. 46, Cels. i. 25, v. 45. 10 Minuc. xiii., xvii.; Orig. Cels. vi. 65. 11 Ps-Mel. 2 (113); Minuc. xviii. 8ff; Orig. Cels. vi. 65. 12 Theoph. iii. 7 (theory of automatism and denials of providence); Orig. Cels. i. 8, 21, iv. 67f, vii. 68; Minuc. xxxvi. 1f: cf. the Bardesanic Book of the Laws, etc.; also Orig. Cels. vi. 71, where Origenes differentiates between the Christian and the Stoic doctrine of God as a Spirit. 13 Minuc. xviif. 14 Theoph. i. 7; Act. Apoll. 33f; Ps-Mel. 1-3, 9 (112-114, 120); Orig. Cels. iii. 77, vi. 67, vii. 52 (Îameness). 15 Theoph. i. 2 ; Iren. 111. vii. 1 (ii. 26) (Deus excaecavit mentes infidelium). 16 Minuc. XXXV. 4: eos autem merito torqueri, qui Deum nesciunt, ut impios, ut iniustos, nisi profanus nemo deliberat, cum parentem omnium et omnium dominum non minoris sceleris sit ignorare quam laedere. 17 Theoph. ii. 8; Tert. Nat. ii. 13, Idol. 3; Hipp. Dan. 11. xxvii. 10; Orig. Cels. viii. 63. 18 Ps-Mel. 3, 8-10 (113f, 119ff), etc. legends told concerning the heathen gods. They pointed out how the gods were in various ways slighted and dishonoured by their very worshippers.2 They denounced the objects of heathen worship—now as ancient men (kings, heroes, inventors, discoverers, benefactors, etc.),3 or even (as in the case of Antinous) men of more recent times, now as demons,5 now as mere senseless and material idols. They did not pause to consider how far these three representations were mutually consistent. Of the three the last was the most striking and obvious: hence the incessant attacks on the folly of idol-worship," and the strenuous and persistent refusal on the part of Christians to offer sacrifice in any form to the pagan gods. God, they maintained, does not need animal or other material sacrifices: they have been demanded simply in order to satisfy the greed of the demons.10 This fundamental Christian position in regard to idolatry involved abstention from more than the mere act of sacrifice. A large number of social usages were connected in various degrees of closeness with idolatry; and Christians were much concerned to determine where they should draw the line. There were extremes of rigorism, and extremes of compromise. Besides the actual offering of sacrifice, the eating of food that had been offered to the 1 Theoph. i. 9, ii. 7f, iii. 3, 8; Ps-Just. Orat. 2-4; Cl. Protr. ii. 15-20, 32-39, iv. 59f, Strom. vII. iv. 22; Tert. Nat. ii. 7, 10, 12f, Apol. 9, 14; Ps-Mel. 5 (115); Minuc. xx.-xxiii.; Orig. Cels. i. 17, iv. 48, 50, v. 2, 57, vi. 42, viii. 66. On the Pseudo-Tertullianic fragment De Execrandis Gentium Diis (Migne PL ii. 1115-1118; Oehler ii. 766-768), see above, p. 288. 2 Tert. Nat. i. 10, Apol. 13-15. For more general indictments of the heathen gods, cf. Theoph. i. 10, ii. 3-6; Cl. Protr. ii. 28f, 38f, iii. 44; Tert. Nat. ii. 1, 9ff, Apol. 5, 41. Theoph. i. 1o, ii. 34; Act. Apoll. 22; Cl. Protr. ii. 24, 28-30, 38, iii. 45, iv. 54f; Tert. Nat. ii. 7, 9, 12-14, 16, Apol. 10-12, Idol. 15 (i. 93); Ps-Mel. 4 init., 5 (114ff); Minuc. xx.-xxiii., xxix. 3-5; Orig. Cels. iii. 22f, 34, 42f, viii. 63. Cl. Protr. iv. 49, 54, x. 96f; Tert. Apol. 13 fin.; Minuc. xxix. 5; Orig. Cels. iii. 26-28, 36f, viii. 9, 63. Theoph. i. 1o; Iren. III. vi. 3 (ii. 23), IV. xxiv. 2 (ii. 232); Act. Apoll. 22; Cl. Protr. ii. 40f, iii. 42f, iv. 55, x. 103; Tert. Apol. 23f, Scap. 2; Minuc. xxvii.; Orig. Cels. iii. 28f, 34f, v. 46, vii. 5, 35, 62, 64, viii. 9, 33f, 36, 54, 60-64. Theoph. i. 10, ii. 2, 34, 36; Act. Apoll. 19; Cl. Protr. iv. 46-48, 51-53, 56, 62, x. 102; Tert. Nat. i. 12, Apol. 12, 16, 29; Ps-Mel. 3 init., 4, 6, 7 (113ff), Minuc. xxiii. 9-xxiv. 2; Orig. Cels. vii. 52; Cypr. Test. iii. 59. 'Theoph. ii. 34; Act. Apoll. 16-21; Cl. Protr. iv. 57, x. 96, IOI, Strom. VI. vi. 44, xviii. 163, VII. v. 28; Tert. Idol. passim; Hipp. Dan. II. xxvii. 10; Ps-Mel. 3 fin., 4, 1of (113ff); Minuc. xxiv.; Orig. Cels. iii. 76, vi. 14, vii. 62-66. 8 Tert. Apol. 27 init., 28 init., Scap. 2; Orig. Mart. 45, Cels. vii. 64, viii. 33-35. Cf. Neumann H 107-109. Iren. IV. xvii. (ii. 193-200); Cl. Strom. VII. v. 29, vi. 30; Ps-Mel. 6 fin. (118); Minuc. xxxii. 2f; Orig. Cels. vi. 70. Cf. GEb 7 (12): \ov καταλῦσαι τὰς θυσίας, καὶ ἐὰν μὴ παύσησθε τοῦ θύειν, οὐ παύσεται ἀφ ̓ ὑμῶν ἡ ὀργή. 10 Tert. Apol. 22; Orig. Cels. iii. 29, vii. 5, 56. |