very largely employment in the palace which imperceptibly opened up political life to Christians. It is in the time of Commodus that we first find Christians at court in anything like considerable numbers.1 Irenæus speaks of them in such a way as to imply that some of them derived considerable perquisites from their positions.2 We hear of Carpophorus, who belonged to Commodus' household,3 and of Hyacinthus, the confidential agent of the Emperor's concubine, Marcia.4 We hear also of a certain Marcus Aurelius Prosenes, an imperial freedman, who was employed by Commodus, and who, before his death in the reign of Caracalla in 217 A.D., had risen to the dignity of imperial butler, steward, treasurer, and chamberlain he was almost certainly a Christian when he died, though we have no information as to the date of his conversion.5 It was in the reign of Severus that Tertullianus said of the Christians that they "filled the palace." An inscription of about the time of Caracalla mentions an imperial freedman who was almost certainly a Christian.” Alexander Severus had many Christians in his household. After his death (235 A.D.) we hear

1 Neumann SK 83: Aber unter den Beamten und dem Personal des kaiserlichen Hauses war die neue Religion bereits in grösserem Umfange verbreitet," i.e. in the time of Commodus.

2 Iren. IV. xxx. 1 (ii. 248): Quid autem et hi qui in regali aula sunt fideles, nonne ex eis quae Caesaris sunt habent utensilia, et his qui non habent unusquisque eorum secundum suam virtutem praestat? Which proves,' says Harnack (ME ii. 47), “ that there was quite a group of Christians at court, and that their circumstances were good."

Hipp. Ref. ix. 12 (7) init. See an interesting note concerning him in Harnack ME ii. 47 n 2.

4 See above, p. 390.

His epitaph reads: M(arco) Aurelio Aug(ustorum) lib(ertus) Proseneti, a cubiculo Augusti), proc(urator) thesaurorum, proc(urator) patrimoni(i), proc(urator) munerum, proc(urator) vinorum, ordinato a divo Commodo in Kastrense, patrono piissimo liberti benemerenti sarcophagum de suo adornaverunt. On the side of his sarcophagus is another inscription by Ampelius, a freedman of Prosenes, describing him by the Christian phrase 'receptus ad Deum.' Cf. De Rossi 1. 9; Neumann SK 84 n 2; Harnack ME ii. 48f; Bigelmair 158f; Marucchi 225; and see below, p. 421 n 2. It must be observed, however, that the phrase on which our belief in his Christianity depends is not used by Prosenes himself.

Tert. Apol. 37 (i. 251) (implevimus . . . palatium). Proculus Torpacion, who spent the latter part of his life at Severus' court (Tert. Scap. 4: see above, p. 390) was the Emperor's guest rather than his servant. Cf. Bigel

mair 159.

The inscription is preserved in the monastery of San Paolo fuori le Mura, on the Ostian Way. It is headed with the symbol of fishes and anchor, which is generally accepted as a mark of Christianity, and records the erection of a sepulchral monument by a certain L. Septimius Severinus Augusti libertus. I owe this information to my friend, Professor C. H. Dodd, M.A., who copied the inscription himself.

Eus. HE vi. xxviii; Oros. VII. xix. 2 (Christianam Alexandri . . . et Mamaeae matris eius familiam). The caricature representing a crucified man

nothing more of Christians at court for some time: his immediate successor, Maximinus Thrax, was hostile to Christianity, but it is likely enough that Philippus (244-249 A.D.), who favoured it, had Christians about him. Cyprianus tells us that, during the period immediately preceding the Decian persecution (say 238-250 A.D.), 'very many bishops, who ought to have been an encouragement and example to others, despised their Divine stewardship, and became stewards of earthly kings." 1

2

CHRISTIANS IN POLITICAL LIFE.-The evidence to which we have to look for the actual facts of the case can be briefly presented. Firstly, we have, about 185 A.D., the martyrdom at Rome of the Christian senator Apollonius. Writing in 197 A.D., Tertullianus says: "We (Christians) are (but) people of yesterday; and (yet) we have filled everything that is yours-cities, islands (? or blocks of dwellings), forts, townships, places of assembly, the very camps, the tribes, the decuries, the palace, the Senate, the forum." 3 Ambrosius, to whom Origenes addressed his treatise on martyrdom about 236 A.D., seems to have held some distinguished position in the imperial court. A number of inscriptions, dating from about the middle of the third century, testify to the fact that several Phrygian Christians of that period were senators in their own towns.5 We find Christians engaged in the study of Roman with an ass's head and a worshipper, and bearing the inscription 'Aλežaμevòs σέβετε (= σέβεται) Θεόν, is apparently a piece of mockery executed by a court-page of the time of Alexander Severus against a Christian comrade; cf. Doulcet 138; Bigelmair 160-162; Harnack ME ii. 47.

Cypr. Laps. 6. Cyprianus' note of time is in 5 (traditam nobis diuinitus disciplinam pax longa corruperat). Cf. Harnack ME ii. 50.

2 Eus. HE v. xxi; Neumann SK 79, 80 ("... Es stand dem Apollonius zu, vom Senat gerichtet zu werden, das heisst, Apollonius war Senator..."), 81f, 83 ("... Ein christlicher Senator wie Apollonius wird freilich eine vereinzelte Erscheinung gewesen sein und schwerlich haben sich schon damals Christen in den hohen Staatsämtern gefunden." u.s.w.), 288; Conybeare 29ff; Hardy 200-208 (argues against Harnack for the senatorial rank of Apollonius); Krüger 383 (does not believe Apollonius was a senator); Bigelmair 139-144 (suggests that he had been a senator, and was now superannuated); Gwatkin ECH i. 168-170.

3 Tert. Apol. 37 (i.250) (Hesterni sumus, et vestra omnia implevimus, urbes, insulas, castella, municipia, conciliabula, castra ipsa, tribus, decurias, palatium, senatum, forum. A decuria was a bench of judges): cf. Apol. 1 (i. 115) (omnem sexum, aetatem, conditionem, etiam dignitatem transgredi ad hoc nomen quasi detrimento maerent): similarly Nat. i. 1 (i. 306).

Epiph. Haer. lxiv. 3 (Migne PG xli. 1073) ('Aμßpoolų Tivi ovvтvxwv ['NpcYévns] Tŵv diapavŵr èv avλais Baoiλikais). Cf. Orig. Mart. 36 (see above, p. 389 n 5); DCB i. 90b; Bigelmair (135) says he was a decurio; but, as far as I know, the passage which he quotes (Orig. Mart. 36) does not necessarily imply this.

Ramsay in The Expositor III. viii. 422f; cf. the same author in The Journal of Hellenic Studies iv. 408f (1883) (possible existence of a Christian magistrate at Alia in Phrygia in the time of Gordianus). For Christians in municipal office, cf. Bigg CE 128f, 132.

Law, and adopting the profession of advocate. Gregorius Thaumaturgus studied Roman Law keenly before he met Origenes (when he dropped it for religious and philosophical studies), and intended to take up the practice of it, when he left him.1 Minucius Felix seems to have been a legal pleader, perhaps at Rome, though the scene of his dialogue may not have been the place at which he wrote.2 Dionysius reckoned "the surrender of political distinctions" among the sacrifices he had made for his religion.3

This evidence makes it clear that, from the time of Commodus onwards, Christians in increasing numbers took part in various forms of political activity, but it does not prove that the Church as a whole had come to the conclusion that such participation was harmless, permissible, and proper.5 If such were the case, how could Minucius and Origenes in the middle of the third century write as if abstention from public office were, as far as they knew, the regular principle on which Christians acted? 6 Christian opinion on the matter was evidently far from being settled or unanimous. It is clear that the question was acutely discussed? and variously answered. The position of the stricter party has already been explained. As for the more liberal view, no doubt many Christians drifted into political life without feeling any call

1 Greg. Thaum. Paneg. v. 56, 58–60, 62, 64, 68f, vi. 84, xi. 138, xvi. 192, xvii. 202 (speaks of the life he is about to enter as Tŵv ev Toditelą wpážewv). Gregorius' friend and brother-in-law was a lawyer, and was employed against his will by the governor of Palestine in the administration of that country, but we cannot be sure that he was a Christian (v. 65).

2 He is called 'causidicus' by Lactantius (Inst. v. i. 22) and Hieronymus (Vir. Illustr. Iviii.), probably on the ground of his phrase 'sane et ad vindemian feriae judiciariam curam relaxauerant' (ii. 3). Cf. DCB iii. 920a; Neumann SK 245 (" der römische Weltmann "); Bigelmair 99f.

Dion. Alex. ap. Eus. HE vII. xi. 18 (ağwuáтwv άobéσeis). Bigelmair (146) says that Dionysius seems to have belonged to "einem Decurionengeschlechte." The Acts of SS. Calocerus and Parthenius mention a Christian consul Emilianus. An Emilianus was consul in 248 A.D., but he could not have been a Christian: the Acts are historically unreliable (Bigelmair 151f). 4 On the Christians' growing respect for, and interest and participation in, the government from the time of Commodus onward, see Bigelmair 81-83 ; Troeltsch 109f.

So, e.g., Bigelmair 133f (“ Die Mehrzahl der Christen hielt es eben doch mit dem TONTEÚεσbaι čšeσтiv des Clemens, wenn die Verhältnisse es irgendwie gestatteten "); Harnack ME i. 309f (“ The kingdom of Christ. or some platonic republic of Christian philosophy, might be played off against the existing state, but all this speculation left life untouched, at least from the close of the second century onwards ").

Minuc. xxxi. 6; Orig. Cels. viii. (73f), 75 (see above, pp. 361–363). 'Bigelmair 126-129: Überhaupt hat die Commoduszeit manche vornehme Familien dem Christenthum zugeführt, und damit begann die Frage eigentlich akut zu werden."

to justify their position. Others, challenged by their more scrupulous brethren to show reason for their departure from normal Christian usage, appealed to the Scriptural precedents of Joseph and Daniel, both of whom held office without reproach under heathen kings.1 Hippolytus refers approvingly to the cases of Joseph and Daniel, though how far he would have concurred in regarding them as justifying Christians is very doubtful. He warns his Christian readers to flee from the perils of royal favour. Clemens does not betray any consciousness of the special problems connected with the tenure of office by Christians. His reverence for Scripture, and his general wish to bridge the gulf between Christianity and pagan life, to ease their mutual relationships, and to facilitate conversions, are the motives that prompt his utterances. He does not pause to reflect on the ulterior difficulties that might be involved in what he says, or to make sure of his own consistency with himself. Thus, in meeting hypothetical objections to the pursuit of Christian philosophy, he says: "It is possible to be a listener to Divine wisdom, and at the same time to live one's life as a citizen; and a man is not prevented from conducting worldly affairs decorously in conformity with God('s Will)"; and he goes on to speak about buying and selling. The words are very vague, and do little more than state the broad principle that the Christian need not cut himself off from civil life: in the 'Stromata,' on the other hand, as we have seen, Clemens represents the Christian life as elevated altogether out of connection with political interests. Again, in quoting a number of Scriptural commandments addressed to various classes of people, he remarks: "To (the) judge He says, 'Thou shalt not show partiality in judgment, for gifts blind the eyes of those who see, and corrupt just sentences.' Rescue the wronged.' Here again we must be on our guard against reading

4

5

"6

1 Tert. Idol. 18 (i. 99) (Jam nunc qui de Joseph et Daniel argumentaris, scito non semper comparanda esse vetera et nova, rudia et polita, coepta et explicita, servilia et liberalia); cf. 19 (i. 101) (quoted below, p. 407 n 2) and Neumann SK 125f.

2 Hipp. Dan. II. ix. 2-4, X., III. ii. 5, xix. If, 7 (Daniel rà тoû ẞaσiλéws προστάγματα μετὰ πολλῆς ἐπιμελείας καὶ ἀκριβείας διέπων ἦν, κτλ.), xxii. 1 (ἐδόκει ἐν τοῖς βασιλικοῖς πράγμασιν ἀποσχολεῖσθαι).

3

Hipp. Dan. III. vi. 26, 7 (φεῦγε οὖν τὰ τοιαῦτα πρόσωπα, ὦ ἄνθρωπε, μή· ποτε κινδυνεύσῃς δι' αὐτούς).

4 Cl. Paed. III. xi. 78: ἐξὸν δὲ ἀκροᾶσθαι μὲν σοφίας θεϊκῆς, ἀλλὰ καὶ πολιτεύεσθαι ἐξόν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ ἐν κόσμῳ κοσμίως κατὰ Θεὸν ἀγαγεῖν οὐ κεκώλυται. Cf. Neumann SK 116.

5 Cl. Strom. V. xiv. 98 (see above, p. 359 n 3).

6 Cl. Paed. III. xii. 91. Cf. Exod xxiii. 8; Deut i. 17, xvi. 19; Isa i. 17.

too much into a simple quotation from Scripture. Clemens had evidently not thought of the position of the Christian magistrate as in any way involving an ethical problem. He does not attempt to reconcile his apparent recognition of the possibility of Christian judges with his apparent discouragement of all litigation for Christians.1

THE HOPE OF A CHRISTIAN EMPIRE.-Two elements combined to foster the hope that, in course of time, the imperial rulers themselves would accept Christianity, and thereupon the whole imperial government become Christian. The first was the fading of the hope of an immediate or early coming of Christ. The second was the assumption that Christianity was bound to overflow all limits put to its expansion. Novatianus speaks about the providence of God having its course, not only among individuals, but also among cities and states previously threatened with destruction. Prophecies of Christ's universal empire and the submission of kings to him were still remembered and quoted.3 Origenes says that Jesus paid taxes because he wished to save the kings, and was unwilling to cause them to stumble. That the , quotation of Scripture passages foreshadowing the submission of kings to Christ did not necessarily imply a consistent anticipation of the Roman Emperor's conversion is evident from the fact that Tertullianus, who makes such a quotation, says elsewhere that Cæsars cannot be Christians, and that he expected to see them after a time in the fires of hell.5 Within, however, a very few years of the time when Tertullianus made the former declaration, a Christian king, Abgar IX, sat upon the throne of Edessa. That 1 Cl. Strom. VII. xiv. 84f (see above, p. 365 nn 2f).

2 Novat. Trin. 8.

Tert. Marc. v. 9 (ii. 301) (Adorabunt illum omnes reges, Ps lxxii. 11); Orig. Orat. xv. 3 (ἡ ἐκκλησία Ιερουσαλὴμ παρὰ τοῦ προφήτου ὀνομαζομένη προσκυνεῖσθαι ὑπὸ βασιλέων καὶ ἀρχουσῶν, γινομένων τιθηνῶν αὐτῆς καὶ τροφῶν, λεγεται, κτλ., Isa xlix. 23), Cels. i. 54 (ovvéžovoi Baoiλeîs rò oróμα avтŵr, Isa lii. 15).

4 Orig. Comm. in Mt. t. xiii. 11 (iii. 232): though oi rês vês Baσiλeîs and their sons, who receive taxes, are not of a praiseworthy nature, ouws TEÓρÓVTIKE TOÐ μǹ σκανδαλισθῆναι αὐτοὺς, καὶ ὅμως κωλύει σκάνδαλόν τι αὐτοῖς γενέσθαι, ἵν ̓ ἤτοι μὴ χεῖρον ἁμαρτάνοιεν, καὶ πρὸς τὸ, εἰ βούλονται, σωθῆναι, καὶ ἐκ τοῦ ἀποδέξασθαι τὸν φεισάμενον αὐτῶν ἵνα μὴ σκανδαλισθῶσιν.

Tert. Apol. 21 (i. 204), Spect. 30 (i. 61f) (quoted above, pp. 362 n 3, 345 n 3). Cf. Guignebert 36-44.

He reigned about 179-216 A.D. His conversion seems to have taken place shortly after 202 A.D. His coins bear a cruciform design, to which some have attributed a religious significance. Cf. DCA ii. 1272a note; DCB i. 7a; Neumann SK 155f (“ Wir sehen jetzt den neuen Glauben zum ersten Mal auf einem Throne "); Gwatkin ECH i. 172. The adoption of Christianity as the official religion of Osrhoene probably suggested the composition of the legendary correspondence between Jesus and the contemporary ruler Abgar V. and the story of Thaddeus' mission to Edessa (Eus. HE 1. xii. 5, xiii., II. i. 6f; DCB i. 6, iv. 881a; Harnack C ii. 162 [puts these apocryphal writings in the second half of the third century]).