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no longer able to contend with the transports of my rage. Such ef. fusions would soften the solicitudes I am weary of sustaining.'

The laft letter is dated at Plymouth Sound, Nov. 30, 1787, in which we find Mr. R. discharged from his station as surgeon on board the Druid frigate. He is now, if we are not mifinformed, engaged in some branch of the medical profeffion, at Berwick on T weed: where we heartily with him the success to which he seems juftly entitled by his abilities, and his earneft desire to be useful to the Public, as well as to provide for a fa. mily entirely dependent on his laudable exertions.

Art. XIII. An Introduction to the History of the Dutch Republic, for

the last ten years, reckoning from the Year 1777. 8vo. 5 5. Boards. Kearsley. 1788.

HERE is no particular branch in any of the eftablished

modes of government, however perfect, however excellent it may appear when considered in itself, which will not, from its necessary connection with the other, even the leffer and subordinate, parts of the great machine, be subject to something like corruption and decay, whenever those parts Thall become disealed; and in this the political body may very fairly be compared with the natural one.

"Let our finger ache, and it induces

A sense of pain e’en to our healthful members.” SHAKESP: The Republic of Holland has felt this pain in every limb.

The basis, the foundation of the state-establilhment among the Dutch, is political freedom or liberty; and for this they have ever Thewn a kind of enthusiastic fondness, without having been sufficiently attentive to the means of preserving it. They have repeatedly experienced the necessity of having a Stadtholder at the head of the government, as the revolutions of 1672 and 1747 abundantly testify; when, after a temporary ejection or suspension of that magiftrate, they were again obliged to call him in :--but they have never adopted the just and proper methods for fixing him firmly and permanently in his place. Hence the origin of party, and hence the divisions and distractions in the Belgic ftate.' For though the prescriptive rights of the Princes of Orange are thoroughly understood and admitted in several of the provinces; and though they have obtained beyond the period (ultra tritavum) when custom becomes a law; yet, as the most valuable part of the prerogative of these princes, that of nominating or recommending the persons to be chosen members of the asemblies of the States, has never been formally acknowleged by the people, they have at all times been subject to opposition from the factious in the exercise of this power, though justice be saken for their guide. But that our Readers may judge of the extent of the power in question, and of the consequences immediately resulting from it, we will extra& from the performance before us, the Author's clear and accurate description of this very important branch of authority; which, though it may only be established by cou: tesy, has ftill perhaps, from long agd continued usage, become an undoubred and indefeafible right.

• Though he (the Prince) is no constituent part of the supreme legislative power, and nas neither a les in the assemblies, nor a voice in the deliberatio :s of either the provincial States or their High Mightineffes (except when, on some particular occasions, he makes specific propofitions to them on urgent and important points, which are not however confidered or debated, still lefs determined, in his presence), yet he exercises the righe of nominating, or recommending most of the members of the smaller assemblies, or vrootschaps, in whom this power is ultimately lodged, according to the legal forms of the Dutch Repok in, but he exercises this power of not only nominating and recommending whom he thinks proper, but also that of rejecting or disapproving whoever he thinks improper to become members or magiftrates in these legislatures. The mode of doing this is different in various cities and provinces. In some, the electors, in cafe cf an accidental or constitutional vacancy, present him with three persons whom they think qualified to fill it, and of these three be approves of one, who is on such approval invested in ofice. In other places he, by millive leiters, nominates or recommends three persons to fill up any vacancy that happens, and of these three the electors chule one, usually the first in the Stadtholder's lift, who on such election is vested with authority. In the firit of these modes, it is obvious that he acts in much the same manner as the King does with us, in appointing the sheriffs of counties. And in the second, as our Sovereign does in promoting by recommendatory letters, and a congé d'elire, the prelates and other dignitaries of our church. But in boch modes it is equally plain how v.luable this part of the Stadtholder's prerogative is, for oy it he is enabled, in a great measure, to newmodel the whole senates of the several towns in the course of some years, and the whole magiitracy of them in a much shorter time. The misfortune however is, that it has been never formally acknowledged, or expressly allowed by the fundamental laws, or the constitution of the commonwealth, and hence the right to exercise it bath been at certain feasons, as it is at this present time, disputed in some places, and denied abloluicly in others. This great defect in the conititution, and the confeqcent principle of weakness in the authority of the Stadtholder, a principle of weakness entirely arising from the vndefined state of his prerogative on this head, is owing to the want of spirit and ability in William IV. Had he been an abler man him· felf, or better advised by others, he might have availed himself much more folicly than he did of the affection of the people in the year 1745, when they tumultuously made him Stadtholaer. But he did not perceive the value and importance of those glowing moments, in which he might have clencheu his authority, and he left this valuable prerogative in the same date of indecisiin in which he found it. Thus through want of understanding, or perhaps through an affected moderation, he lost the decisive period, or at least neglected to reap from it all the great advantages which it was capable of affording, and on his death, in 1751, transmitted the government in a loose disjointed state, with a disputed jurisdiction, and an undefined prerogative, to his infant fon.'


From the very particular information contained in this wod respecting the sources of the recent troubles in the Republic of Holland, we are naturally led to imagine that it is the produc tion of a foreign pen. An Englihman, we think, could sca; cely have become acquainted with so many of the subtilties and intrigues of state. To a Dutchman or a Frenchmen, such acquirement was more easy. Be this as it may, the form of government in Holland, together with the relative fisuation of the Prince of Orange, as hereditary Stadtholder, are nicely and accurately stated *Of the established mode of rule, however, the Author entertains a very contemptible opinion, as the following extracts will particularly thew :

• All these causes of weakness and dissension, which originated in the measures of ministers, the temper of the Stadtholder, che Gituation of the commonwealth, and the spirit of faction, might have been removed, or at least controlled in their effects, as fimilar causes have often been in other states, were it not for the fingular and happy conftitution of the republic.'


· Of all the political constitutions that have been framed by legirlators, or described by historians, or defined by lawyers, none appears to have been so weak and illiberal, so irregular and inaccurate, so preposterous and undefined, as that of the Dutch. And in the

* Notwithstanding the general opinion which we, on this side of the water, have conceived as to the merit of this work, we have conversed with sensible and honest men, natives of Holland, and of eminence in their own country, who have spoken of the book as being calculated to mislead its readers in some important respects. In particular they say, that it has “ a tendency to inspire unjust prejudices against the Princess of Orange, a lady of the most respectable character : and (on the other hand) to excite a degree of esteem for the late Grand Pensionary Bleiswyk, to which he is not in the least entitled.” That" in his portrait also of Mr. Van Berkel, every line and feature are in Aat contradiction with the most palpable truth!” The like hath been observed in regard to some other portraits, though it is, by the same gentlemen, candidly allowed, that “nothing, with some few exceptions, can be better represented than the characters of the Stadcholder, and the Duke of Brunswic, his former confident and minister.”-On some of these points we confess ourselves in competent to the task of a full and complete decifion; but, on the whole, we abide by the idea which we at first formed of the general character of the work, viz. that it abounds with irrefragable truths, acute observations, and good reasoning, - which, all together, announce a writer who possesses real meris.


nature of it may be found many causes that aggravated and extended the malignant symptoms, with which, through a weak adminiftration, an ill government, and other causes that have been already mentioned, their commonwealth has been for some years affected.'

The sentiments here exhibited are so diametrically opposite to those of our first-rate politicians and civilians, who have reprefented the state of Holland as a republic able to support itself by reason of its confederacy, without any internal corruption *, that they will probably be thought by many to have been too haftily, dogmatically, and positively delivered t.

When, however, we attend to the late commotions in this famed confederacy, and when we consider how various are the fprings which actuate and move this ponderous body, we muft acknowlege the force of the writer's argument in the main, though he is somewhat mistaken in the principle on which he founds it : for there is every reason to believe that Montesquieu, when he talked of the excellence and perfection of this government, muft have understood it as having always a Stadtholder, and in full poffeffion of his privileges, at the nead; otherwise it would bear too particular a resemblance to an aristocracy ever to be commended by so able and intelligent a writer. We muft therefore observe, that, the Prince of Orange's authority admit. ted, our Author appears to be wrong.

It is to be hoped, from the manner in which the late disputes have terminated, that the Aristocratical party are at length convinced of their error: that they will not again attempt to arrest or even question the power of a ruler, whole right to the Stadtholdership muft now be considered as thoroughly eftablished by every unprejudiced person in Europe. It is to be hoped, moreover, whatever may be their sentiments with respect to the abi. Jities of that ruler, that they will reflect on the temper and disposition of the Dutch as it was seen in the recent ftruggle, and uniformly bear in mind, that imperium in imperio will never be endured by a spirited people like ihe Hollanders : a people who, in asserting their Prince's privileges, know that they are maiataining their rights.

* See L'Esprit des Loix.

t • The Hague (says the Author in another part of his book) is the place of meeting of the provincial states of Holland, as well as of the States General; but the one, no more than the other, can conclude or determine no affair of importance without confulting their constituents.' Where then is the grand objection to the conflilution?


ART. XIV. The Poetry of the World. Crown 8vo. 2 Vols. 750

fewed. Bell., 1788.

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N opening these volumes, the first thing which must strike

the reader, will be their great typographical elegance. Each poem is printed in so beautiful a manner as to be literally (which is more than Horace's maxim, ut pictura päefis erit, requires)—a piclure. This we mention to the credit of the Bookseller, who appears laudably ambitious of acquiring the title of the Baskerville of the prejent day. All that typographical taste could do, he has evidently done to recommend the poems before us; and though it should be recollected, fronti nulla fides, the beauty of the paper and type will probably excite some liitle prepoffeffion in their favour, notwithstanding the title-page announces them to be collected from a news-paper. Nor will those who take them up with this prepossession meet with any great disappointment; for many of them highly merit the external elegance in which they appear, and we canoot but congratulate the Public in their being thus rescued from the perishing pages of a daily print, which, after being read, are commonly destined heslernde occurrere cænæ. Who are the real authors of the several pieces bearing the signatures of Della Crusca, Anna Matilda, Arley, Benedict, the Bard, and Edwin, The World has not seen fic to inform us; and as we have not the omniscient Jackson, nor any other omniscient gentleman in our corps, it cannot be expected that we should discover them. Thus much, however, we have been fortunate enough to have traced out, that Della Crusca is supposed to be Mr. Merry, that Arley is certainly Mr. M. P. Andrews, and that the Bard is thought to be a Mr. Berkley. Time, who is celebrated for blabbing the profoundeft secrets, will probably, if we exercise a little patience, acquaint us with the real name of Anna Matilda, which is now, we find, carefully concealed; and of all the rest, at present, we must content ourselves with reading their verses. By these it appears that none of them are vulgar writers. Della Crusca, who, we must confess, has pleased us moft, appears to be a gentleman, a scholar, and a poet; and several of his pieces claim a distinguished place in the class of modern poetry. Our readers will, no doubt, esteem themselves obliged to us for af signing a page or two of our Review to the beautiful ELEGY written on the PLAIN OF FONTENOY:

• Chill blows the blast, and Twilight's dewy hand

Draws in the West her dulky veil away;
A deeper Shadow fteals along the land,

And Nature muses at the Death of Day!

Rev. Nov. 1788.



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