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which was, however, completely routed at Tewkesbury, on May 4, before these noblemen could join it.

• To the ryght rev'ent and wyrchypfull Lady *. • Ryght rev’ent and wyrchypfull Lady I recomande me to yow lettyng yow wete that I am in gret hevynes at the makyng of this lece' but thankyd be God I am eschapyd myselfe and sodenly dep'ıyd fro my men for I undyrstand my Chapleyn wold have detrayed me and if he com into the Contre let hym be mad seu' &c. Also ye shall gyff credence to the bryng' of thys Leti' and I beseke yow to reward hym to hys costs for I was not in power at the makyng of this Lect' ló gyff hym but as I wass put in treft by favar of frange pepyll, &c.

• Also ye shall send me in all haft all the redi money that ye make and asse mone of my mê asse can com well horsyd and that they cũ in dyu'se p'cellys, Also that my horsse be sent we my stele Sadelles and byd the yoman of the horse cou' theym we ledds. Also


shall send to my mode and let hyr wete of thys lete and pray hyr of hyr bleffyng and byd hyr send me my Kaket by thys tokyn that she hath the key theroff but it is brokya.

• Also ye shall send to the Pryor of Thetford and byd hym send me the S'm of gold that he feyd that I schald have. Also fey to hym by thys tokyn that I schewyd hym the fyrst p've Seale, &c. Also lete Pastun, Fylbryg Brews com' to me. Allo ye shall delyu' the bryng' of thys Letran horse fadell and brydell Also ye schallbe of gud cher and take no thowght for I schall bryng my purpose abowte now by the g'ce of God qwhome have yow in kepyng.

$0.....D.' Of the turbulence of the times, the above extract gives us a true picture. An Earl was betrayed by his own chaplain; he was in the greatest want of money, so as not to be able to pay the messenger without borrowing of strangers; for fear of create ing suspicions, he orders bis horsemen to be sent in different parcells ;' and the precision of the tokens shews the cautions which were necessary to be observed, left any fraud should be imposed on the persons to whose care his valuables were committed.

In the second letter of this collection, we have an account of the release of the Duke of Orleans, who had continued a prie soner 25 years (by the Cardinal Bithop of Winchefter, Beaufort, and his party), in opposition to the Duke of Gloucefter, who, in consequence of the requeft of Henry the Fifth on his death-bed, protested against the measure.

In another letter, the particulars of the murder of William de la Pole, Duke of Suffolk, are fully related. Being prime minifter, and a favourite with the king and queen (Henry VI. and Margaret), he was banished for fear of the Commons. It apo pears, however, that the ships which met him in the channel were fent out by the Commons, and the York party, on purpose

* She was daughter to the Earl of Salisbury,


to intercept and kill him. Sir J. Fenn's notes on this lettet are valuable and instructive. His death was a cruel one, according to this account, which says, 'oon of the lewdeste * of the shippe badde hym ley down hys hedde and he Thuld be fair ferd wyth and dye on a swerd and toke a rusty swerd and smotte of his bedde withyn balfe a doseyn strokes.'

A letter from J. Payne, a trusty servant of Sir John Fastolf, gives many particulars of Jack Cade's rebellion, which shew the violence and barbarity of a body of men collected together from the loweft and meanest of the people, and acting without controul,

Margaret, queen of Henry VI. alarmed at the report of the approach of the Earl of March (the Duke of York's son) toward London with a great power, endeavoured to make what friends she could ; and among other places, on her journey for that purpose, The visited Norwich. Mrs. Pafton, in a letter to her husband, defcribes the queen's visit ; and from the fort sketch which the has given of her character, it appears that the Queen's famia liarity and address were highly agreeable to the gentry, and that The understood the right method of conciliating the affection of the ladies with whom the conversed.

Two letters, one from the Duchess of Norfolk, and another from the Earl of Oxford, plainly thew that the election of members of parliament, even for counties, was under the inAuence of the great men of the time. Richard Plantagenet, Duke of York, and John Mowbray, Duke of Norfolk, nominate the members; and, in express terms, the Earl of Oxford sends instructions to John Pafton Esquire (perhaps then theriff for the county), for their election. The letter from the Duchess is a request, but it is made in a manner so exquisitely pressing, and with such hearty promises of thanks, that 'Squire Pafton could not help complying with her Grace's wishes.

A long letter from Mrs. Palton, dated the xxviij day of Jea nur' the yer of Kyng Henry the Sext xxxvj' contains many particulars of private life. She seems especially anxious about Clement Pafton (her son) and his lernyng. Giving directions for enquiring of Grenefeld, Clement's schoolmaster, the says, “And if he (Clement] bathe nought do well nor well nought amend prey hym (Grenefeld] that he will trewly beJasłch + hym tyll he wyll amend and so ded the last maystr and ye best that eu' he had att Caumbrege. And sey Grenefeld that if he wyll take up on hym to bryng hym in to good Rewyll

* What is the true meaning of this word? a different one to that which we now give it. The Editor says ' meaneft.'

+ Whip.
Rev. july, 1788.



and Lernyng that I may verily know he dothe his dever I wyll geve hym x m'rs for hys labor.' A catalogue of Clement's wardrobe occurs in this letter, one item of which is afyde Ruffet Gowne furryd we bevyr was mad this tyme ij yer.' On the word afyde we have the following note : 'A fide gown may mean a long one; for in Laneham's account of Queen Elizabeth's entertainment at Kennelworth Castle, 1575, the minstrel's “ gown had fide [i. e. long) fleeves down to the mid leg. " The gown, however, described by Mrs. Pafton, appears rather to have been the Sid-neaf. Lateralis, veftis, sc. ad latera tegenda. Lumbaris toga. See Reubenii Gloffarium 65, and Ælfr. Gloff. p. 68, 69. A gown to cover the sides or loins.' With deference to such learned authority, we think syde fignifies long, ift, because it is now a provincial word in the northern couna ties, fignifying long and wide; 2d, because Mrs. Pafton first enumerates all the short gowns, and after them all the syde gowns; and 3d, because one of the short gowns is said to have been made of a syde gown.

A very curious letter from Sir John Pafton describes the battle of Barnet, and relates many circumstances on which our general histories are filent.

To mention all the curiofities in this collection would require more room than we can well spare : we shall, however, insert one more letter entire, as we think it remarkable.

• On to Jon Pafton in hart'. • Maftyr Pafton I pray yow ye it may plese yow to leue' + yowr logeyng for iij or for days tyll I may be porved I of anodyr and I fchal do as musche to your plefyr, for Godys fake say me not nay and I pray yow rekomaund me to my lord Chambyrleyn.

Powr frend Elizabeth." This Elizabeth was third daughter of Richard Plantagenets and Cecily, daughter of Ralph Neville, Earl of Weftmoreland, She was fifter to Edward IV. and Richard III. By the latter, her son, John Earl of Lincoln, was (after the death of his own fon) declared heir to the crown. She married John Duke of Suffolk, Sir John Fenn is surely right in thinking this letter curious. It shews, he says, the fimplicity of the times, when a princess of the blood royal, coming to London, unprovided with a lodging, petitions for the use of that of a friend for three

* The Editor interprets this word by endeavour. We think it more probable to suppose it means in this place duty, being a corruption of the French devoir: and thus he hath interpreted it in a subsequent passage of this same letter.

+ Leue, or lend ;-I believe (says the Editor) it is leve; but it is so written, that it is very difficult to determine.' Purveyed, provided with.


of four days in the most humble terms, “ for Godys fake fay me not nay.” We think it is rather the mark of some great diftress in which the might be involved; or it might be that the wished to be in London on some private affairs, and have her journey concealed.

Let it not be imagined that we have in this short article mentioned every circumstance that may be deemed instru&tive, entertaining, or curious, in this valuable collection. Readers of different denominations will be inftructed and entertained by it, according to their different tastes for history, antiquities, lana guage, &c. And we doubt not that most of them will thank tbe laborious and learned editor for preserving these remains from the wide-wafting hand of Time.

* For the information of our Readers, we transcribe the following paragraph from the preface to the second edition of this work:

• As this work has been so very favourably received, the Editor is preparing for the press a further selection of letters and papers,

writo ten during the reigns of Henry VI. Edward IV. and Richard II. to which he intends adding such as are in his poffeffion, which were written in the reign of Henry VII. And as the same care and attention will be employed in the continuation as have been already exerted in the present volume, he flatters himself that the expectations of the inquisitive searcher into the usages of former ages, will not be disappointed.'


ART. X. Poems and Translations. By the Rev. William Beloe. 8vo.

5 s. Boards. Johnson. 1788. HE principal poem in this collection is the Rape of Helen,

from the Greek of Coluthus :' of which an account was given in our Review for May 1787, page 423. The opening of this performance was originally thus:

Ye Trojan nymphs! the filver Xanthus' pride.' We then objected to the epithet filver, as no way characteristic of the river in question,--he famed Scamander, or Xanthus ;and we now find it altered to beauteous: this is equally faulty, and wholly inexpreflive of its fabled colour, which was said to be gellow, and which, no doubt, gave rise to the allersion of botb Aristotle and Ælian, who observe, that the fleeces of the sheep which drank of this water became tinged with that hue. This particular circumstance may be thus explained : In the mountains of the kingdom of Phrygia, and near to the spot where the Xanthus took its rise, were many considerable mines of gold. This gold, or gold-duft, washed by the torrents from those mountains, settled in the beds of the adjacent rivers. It was the practice of the earlier ages to sink in such rivers a certain number of Aleeces, by which means they collected this precious

E 2


metal in considerable quantities;

and hence, according to Strabo, the fable of the Golden Fleece. Now the river, which had at fift the name of Scamander, but which was afterward changed to that of Xanthus (i.e. the yellow river), received this latter appellation, as there is every reason to suppore, from the abundance of gold it had been found to afford, and by way of diftinguishing it from the less valuable ftreams. In like manner, it may be observed, that the Pactolus, which is a little to the south of the Scamander, was termed Chrysorrhoas (i. e. the golden river), and evidently on account of its riches .

But to return to the poem. Though we are diffatisfied with the epithet beauteous, we have scarcely any one to propose in its place. Golden or yellow', indeed, might be adopted, were it not that the colour of the river is exprefled in the very name of the river itself. We may, perhaps, be allowed to read the glitter- .' ing Xanthus' pride'--or the rich Scamander's pride. The latter reading appears to be the best.

But as an account of this translation is to be found in a former Review, we must desist from any farther examination of it. With respect to the other pieces, we have only to observe, that though the writer does not soar on strong and powerful pinions ; though he has not the bold and daring flight of the eagle ; he is seldom content to sweep the ground with the swallow, but generally rises to a pitch which keeps him above the range of the critic's-arrow, and which exhibits him to considerable advantage.

To speak without a figure, these poems are for the most part above mediocrity. Some particularly faulty and inelegant lines are, however, to be found in them. We will point out a few of the exceptionable passages, which appear to have arisen more from inattention than want of judgment,—that the Author, in any future publication, may be induced to revise his performances with a suitable regard and care.

• As this is the river in which, according to the fable, Midas, King of Phrygia, is said to have bathed, in order to wash away the power which had been granted him of turning to gold every thing he touched, - we must beg leave, in this place, as it strengthens our opinion with respect to the reason for changing the name of the Scamander, to interpret that fable in a manner somewhat different from that in which it has been explained by Maximus Tyrius, and others, who understood it as alluding to the covetousness of the King, whereas it is much more probable that it was intended to be expressive of his country's wealth. Cicero and Valerius Maximus, it may be remembered, have represented Midas as one of the richest princes that had ever filled a throne. The mines of which we have already 1poken were discovered in his reign. It was therefore asserted, in the figurative expreffion of the ancients--of which mode of speaking, by the way, they were particularly fond - that whatever be touched be changed to gold.


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