If it is to have no influence in the government, what and where is its power to protect itself? Perhaps the power to buy off violence; to buy off the barbarian who comes to lay it waste, by a reward, which will but invite a double swarm of barbarians to return next year. Is this one of the modes alluded to? This, I am well assured, never entered into the clear mind of the very intelligent gentleman from Frederick. How else, then, may property be expected to protect itself? It may be answered, by the influence which it gives to its owner. But in what channels is that influence exerted? It is the influence which prevents the poor debtor from going against the will of his creditor; which forbids the dependent poor man from exerting any thing like independence, either in conduct or opinion; an influence which appeals to avarice on both sides, and depends for its effect on rousing the worst and basest of passions, and destroying all freedom of will, all independence of opinion. Is it desirable to establish such an influence as this? an influence which marches to power through the direct road to the worst, and most monstrous of aristocracies,—the aristocracy of the purse? An influence which derives its effect from the corruption of all principle, the blinding of the judgment, and the prostration of all moral feeling? and whose power is built on that form of aristocracy, most of all to be dreaded in a free government? The gentleman appeals to fact, and says that property always has protected itself, under every form of government. The fact is not admitted. Property never has protected itself long, except by the power which it possessed in the government. UPSHUR. 41. WHAT'S HALLOWED GROUND? WHAT'S hallow'd ground? Has earth a clod By man, the image of his God, Erect and free, Unscourged by superstition's rod To bow the knee? That s hallow'd ground-where, mourn'd and miss'd But where's their memory's mansion? Is't No! in ourselves their souls exist, A part of ours. A kiss can consecrate the ground Is hallow'd, down to earth's profound, For time makes all but true love old; Until the heart itself be cold In Lethe's pool. What hallows ground where heroes sleep? Or Genii twine beneath the deep Their coral tomb. But strew his ashes to the wind, Whose sword or voice has saved mankind- To live in hearts we leave behind, Is't death to fall for freedom's right? What can alone ennoble fight? A noble cause! Give that; and welcome war to brace Her drums and rend heaven's reeking space! The colours planted face to face, The charging cheer Though death's pale horse lead on the chase, And place our trophies where men kneel Transfer it from the sword's appeal Peace, love-the cherubim that join The heart alone can make divine Religion's spot. To incantations dost thou trust, That men can bless one pile of dust The ticking wood-worm mocks thee, man! A temple given Thy faith, that bigots dare not ban- Its roof star-pictured, nature's ceiling, The harmonious spheres Fair stars! are not your beings pure? Ye must be heavens that make us sure Of heavenly love! And in your harmony sublime And reason on his mortal clime Immortal dawn. What's hallow'd ground? 'Tis what gives birth And your high priesthood shall make earth CAMPBELL 42.-SPEECH OF RAAB KIUPRILI. HEAR me Assembled lords and warriors of Illyria, Or one false whisper in his sovereign's ear? A bought-bribed wretch, who, being called my son, A recreant ingrate ! What means this clamour? Are these madmen's voices ? Or is some knot of riotous slanderers leagued To infamize the name of the king's brother What mean these murmurs? Dare then any here One that has taken from you your sworn faith, And Heaven's inevitable curse hereafter? Your thaw-swollen torrents, when the shouldering ice COLERIDGE 43.-EXTRACT FROM A SPEECH OF MR. G. MORRIS ON THE JUDICIARY ESTABLISHMENT. Is there a member of this house who can lay his hand on his heart and say, that, consistently with the plain words of our constitution, we have a right to repeal this law? I believe not. And, if we undertake to construe this constitution to our purposes, and say that the public opinion is to be our judge, there is an end to all constitutions. To what will not this dangerous doctrine lead? Should it to-day be the popular wish to destroy the first magistrate—you can destroy him. And should he, to-morrow, be able to conciliate to him the popular will, and lead them to wish for |