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somewhat rudely, of those crimes and ern sympathisers" are not to be descaprices by which England has pro. pised or disregarded. voked the virtuous indignation of the They are évidently not underrated immaculate and impartial republic, by Mr. O'Connell,* and as they are where liberty and slavery both run employed by him, it is difficult to overriot, and the States preserve their rate their mischievous efficacy. The consistency “ by giving a triumph to passions of Irish repealers are marvelneither party;" all this would be all lously quickened by the sympathies of merely absurd, were America a coun- America and France. Their sense try in which turbulent and desperate of wrong and distress become sharper men could be held in order by govern- as they learn the indignant commiserament or law, but, in the actual state of tion with which foreigners regard their things, the exertions of the “far west- sufferings ; and while, abroad as well

A book has been opened at the Repeal Association for American communications alone. Mr. O'Connell thus comments on one of them. We quote from the Dublin Statesman of July 7, a portion of the address as well as the commentary :

"Behold, sir, while the great mass of public opinion speaks trumpet-tongued in your favour—while the spirits of the patriots of '98 are looking down with anxiety upon your actions, while the tomb of Emmet, bedewed with the tears of millions, remains uninscribed-while the spirit of Grattan remains weeping over the grave of his country's liberty-while these remain spectators of a scene so momentous, and the prayers of millions, not only of your countrymen, but those of other nations, wherever the history of your country's wrongs have been understood, are pouring forth in your behalf, we implore you to proceed to the tomb of your country's liberty, and with a voice of thunder sever the chains that bind her to her oppressor, calling her forth to breathe the pure air of democracy, which, phænix-like, will place her as she was in the days of yore--a nation among the nations of the earth.

“For our part, we will use our utmost endeavours to unite our friends in favour of your glorious struggle for liberty, and we hope successful independence. We are fully convinced that Providence, in his inscrutable wisdom, has so ordained you a fit instrument, and endowed with faculties capable of contending with the purse and talent of England. We hope that there will be a speedy repeal of that unhallowed union, and that without any appeal to the God of battles. England must certainly know her interest; and she cannot but be wonderfully mistaken in her policy when she drives her most loyal subjects to such eriremities. Let England beware before it is too late. We trust the day is not far distant when your most sanguine hopes will be realised, and once more the lovely Green Isle of the Ocean behold her shamrock bloom, and peace and happiness prevail.

“ The sum we remit is small; but, like the numerous rivulets that form the ocean, it may contribute to a greater.

“We conclude by subscribing our names, and wishing you success, peace, and happiness.

"JAMES MONTGOMERY, President.

BERNARD P. BRADY, Secretary. "To Daniel O'Connell, Esq. M.P." "Mr. O'Connell begged to move a similar motion for the insertion on the American books of those documents, and that their thanks should be sent to the subscribers for the offers of sympathy and support it expressed. He referred, in speaking of what were called the patriots of '98, when he addressed the association last, to the fatal consequences of the people being hurried on to rebellion, because the union was the consequence of that defeated rebellion. There never would be a possibility of carrying it is the people had not been weakened by an unhappy, and, he would call it, a preposterous attempt-unprepared as they were, and divided amongst themselves--to shake off altogether the British yoke. To be sure, the effect of that example had lost a good deal of its power when they saw what the English were now doing, and what that maniac, Lord Stanley, was doing with respect to Canada. The Canadians revolted. They lost their constitution, but they received a reward for rebellion—they got a better constitution than they had before; in fact, Canada appears to he the best patronised portion of the British dominions. But they would avoid the example of '98 and Canada; they would have nothing to do with rebellion. The letter was full of hostility to England and her government, and it speaks of the injuries inflicted upon the American people; but from those opinions they separated themselves, and they disclaimed any participation in the

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as at home, they hear the British government accused of cruelty and in. justice in its relations towards them, they find it a matter of easy inference to charge all their distresses upon the results for which the legislative union should be held answerable.

The temper and spirit of the Roman Catholic bishops and clergy must exercise, over the minds of the repealers, an influence still more exciting than that of their friends on the continent of Europe and America. Bishop Higgins, on the part of his brother prelates, gave in their adherence to the principle of repeal. The Rev. Mr. Sheehy, has since made a no less important announcement on the part of the Roman Catholic clergy. They, too, are “all right.” Three thousand priests are determined that their country shall be free. Romanism is now,

* The Liberator,” said Mr. Sheehy, “had, beside the prelates, three thousand of the second order of clergymen (hear). We shall give you (said the reverend speaker, addressing the Liberator), at least twelve hundred pounds (immense cheers), and we have taken care that there shall be a heart and a hand behind every shilling we shall present to you.

* Mr. O'Connell—Two hands (laughter and cheers).

“ The Rev. Mr. Sheehy-And let me describe these three millions of repealers to you. They are sober and peaceable --they are determined—they are not drunkards—and they have resolved to burst their country's chains or die (vehement applause). They are not afraid of Peel or Wellington (cheers). Priest though I be, I think I echo their senti.

hostile spirt they showed towards Great Britain. They were ready to forgive Great Britain every thing she had done against Ireland, and they would not interfere with her and the Americans. They would take no part in any unjust war against them, but they would not make themselves a portion of the quarrel between England and America. But still they could not help cautioning the English ministers against slumbering on their posts, when they heard the sentiments contained in that letter. Knowing that the Irish people would not violate the law-knowing that it was not their intention to attack any person—knowing that they would respect the government of the country as long as a shred of the law was left them—knowing that it was their intention not to attack, but of course to resist any unjust attack that was made upon them, they never could forget that the British ministers, the Duke of Wellington in the House of Lords, and Sir Robert Peel in the House of Commons-at least according to the newspaper reports--had the unconstitutional audacity to threaten Ireland with a civil war, merely because they were looking for the repeal of an act of parliament. Keeping that in view, and believing them capable of it if they were strong enough to make the attack upon Ireland, he bid them look beyond the Atlantic, and see that they would not be left quite alone to fight that battle if they were to attack them. They were British subjects firm and strong in their allegiance—that allegiance was sanctified by the personal respect and veneration in which they held the present monarch, but they were men knowing they had rights, and knowing that they were entitled, in spite of all the despots of Europe and Asia combined, to canvass the merits of an act of parliament and look for its repeal, for that was all they were doing. They had hurled defiance already at Peel and Wellington, when it was supposed they stood alone against the ministers that dare attempt to attack them. That defiance was not a bit more confident than it now was, when they had some consolation in reflecting that they would not have in such a case to stand alone, and that as they had men enough, all they would want in such a case, arms and ammunition, would be most certainly supplied to them. Not complaining of the anti- British sentiments contained in that letter, but by no means joining in them, on the contrary, being firm in their allegiance to the throne, and ready to join England in every just war that she may be engaged in, while they had that sentiment strong in their minds, they were not ungrateful to those who looked to the possible contingency of the iron hoof of tyranny attempting to crush the people of Ireland, and told them in that emergency where they might look for friends, and where they were sure of finding them. If one way or another the people of Ireland took their tone from bim, he knew not why—he would repeat emphatically that they would begin no quarrel—that they would commence no fightthat they would wait to be attacked that they would retreat to the last shred or foot-track of the constitution—that they would raise the shield of constitutional law against their opponents, and woe to those who attacked them, and victory was certain,

ments. And there is not in that three millions of repealers, one man who is afraid to shed his blood for his country.

"Mr. O'Connell—(Rising from his seat, the entire company doing likewise)-I said before I am not that one, (deafening applause)."*

ING OUT

It is not necessary that our selections from the reports of repeal proceedings should be numerous, or that we should be over curious in making them. The fact, which it is important to bear in mind, needs no further evidence, and it may be very briefly stated; it is this-THE ROMAN CATHOLICS OF IRELAND, LAY AND CLERICAL, ARE CARRY

A REVOLUTION WHICH, IF IT BE SUCCESSFUL, WILL ACCOMPLISH THE DESTRCCTION OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE ; AND, BECAUSE THEY GIVE THEIR ENTERPRISE THE NAME, NOT OF REBELLION, BUT REPEAL, THEY ARE ALLOWED TO PROSECUTE IT WITH IMPUNITY.

None can wonder, that, in a state of things like this, Protestants, both in Ireland and England, or, to speak more correctly, well-informed friends to the connection between the two countries, utter more passionate complaints against the inactivity of the Queen's ministers, than against the energetic demonstrations of the repealers; that some are more in dread of Sir Robert Peel than of Mr. O'Connell, and seem to think that something would be gained were the premier dislodged from the post which they accuse him of holding only for the enemy's alvantage. We do not share in this opinion. Indeed, for the expression of a contrary opinion, we have incurred some sharp animadversions; and, although we are little in the habit of noticing strictures upon ourselves, yet the respect we entertain for a journal of high reputation, as well as the great importance of the subject, induces us in one instance to depart from our usual abstemiousness.

The Morning Post of July contains the following paragraph :

“ There is no end to the variety of methods by which ingenious writers may support a favourite minister. It may be shown that a minister has done 80 much good for his party, and so effectually promoted their principles, that

he ought, by all means, to be kept in. Failing this, it may be shown that he has so effectually damaged his party, that they would no longer have their former strength if he were out. This latter method is ably followed by a writer in the DUBLIN UNIVERSITY MAGAZINE on Irish agitation. He says :

“Let no man lay to his heart the flattering unction that the Conservative party, if now driven from power, will be such as it was. Let no man for a moment suppose that Sir Robert Peel can become again, in opposition, the leader and combiner of a powerful party. In power, he may perhaps satisfy, or at least justify the expectations entertained of him, when the ascendancy of public principle, the triumph of public virtue, put out his rivals, because they seemed his country's enemies, and gave him place and honour.

When his plans have been matured, and his policy fully developed, it is probable that the expectations then entertained of him may be realised : at this moment it seems generally felt that they have been disappointed. If he goes out of office with the shadow of this disappointment upon him, it is possible he may withdraw from public life altogether; and it is most probable, should he continue to take a part in politics, that it can never again be such a part as he sustained in those years of difficulty and honour, when he withstood the progress of revolution To be what he was in opposition, Sir Robert Peel must become what he was expected to be in office, or he must convince the sanguine friends who had so high hopes of him that their expectations were unreasonable, and that he is not responsible for their disappointments. The good understanding between Sir Robert Peel aud the Conservative party may be effectually restored while he is in place. Out of office, the evil will become irremediable. The state of opposition will be like that of the grave, wherein • Friends, kinsmen, and brothers are laid side by

side, And none have saluted, and none have replied."

“Let no man wish Sir Robert Peel's retirement from office in a hope, a most vain and treacherous hope, that he can be as powerful as he was during the period of the reform and the revolutionary cabinets.'

“ We do not dispute that all this is very true. It is right that the minister should have the benefit of such considerations. No doubt it would be, upon the

* Dublin Statesman, June 20.

us

whole, much more agreeable if we could val or withdrawal of the present mifeel that the powerful opposition of 1811 nistry, we are by no means panegyrists had lost nothing by the circumstance

of their policy. We have reflected of having borne its leaders into office upon the tide of victory. It would be

much on the arguments by which the more satisfactory if one could feel that

inaction of the minister has been de. were the Conservatives once more in

fended, and they have not satisfied us. opposition, they would still, in a very

It is contended that the repeal party, great degree, control the legislative held in check by a strong military force, government of the country as they did will either moulder away under the before. But if the fact be pot so, let disadvantages of a system which canbear in mind the facts as they really are, not exist without agitation, and which and act accordingly. No doubt, some dares not tempt the perils of open feelings of disappointment will involun

insurrection, or else that, making the tarily arise that success should have produced a result that was so little to

attempt, it must perish in the collision have been expected; but where's the

with the queen's forces. Thus, it is use of repining, when a man can support

argued, the state will have the rare the government, and perhaps get some

advantage of making its lenity conthing by it in the end"

spicuous, while defeating the projects

of the disaffected. Their treason Notwithstanding our natural disin- inust either die out of itself, through clination to be suspected of motives timidity and inaction, or, in its rashso unworthy as seem half imputed to ness, must make manifest to all the us in the concluding words of this pas- world, that the government which sage, we repeat our former opinion: crushed it was guilty of no unneceswe believe it for the interest of the sary severity. An argument of this country, that Sir Robert Peel should nature, if the policy which it defends continue in power ; we hold that Sir obtain success, may be intelligible and Robert Peel would be guilty of an acceptable to the survivors. While the unpardonable crime against his coun- policy is yet upon its trial, and its try, if, for any reason less grave than results altogether prospective, those inability to carry the measures he who, with good reason, fear it—who thinks necessary, or from conscious see that hitherto its issues have been incapacity to devise good measures, he very disastrous-can derive little comwere to abandon to the late occupants fort from a promise, that the long of place, the post, in which, through series of mishaps which alarm them God's blessing on their exertions, the will be all counterbalanced by some public virtue of the Conservative party rare felicity which is to come. The has placed him ; and we make this as- disaffected are now, no doubt, orgasertion, with a grounded confidence nising their masses, combining their that all who know the writer will be- plans, encouraging the timid who have lieve it to be purely disinterested. If joined them, winning over each day Sir Robert Peel be clandestinely ob- new recruits, exulting in the assu. structed in the discharge of his most rances of foreign support, intimidating arduous duties—if there be any secret by menaces, to which the ostents of influence which thwarts and crosses physical force give importance, the him in his exertions for the public friends of British connection, and feedservice-he should at once withdraw ing fat the rancorous hate they bear from a post, which in such a supposi. the Saxon by retrospects of all (and tion, he occupies, not for the sovereign much more than all) the wrongs and or the country, but for the enemy of grievances with which England is made both, and should declare boldly his chargeable. Meantime, loyal men are reasons for retiring ; if, on the other exhorted to believe, that these prepahand, he retain the facilities and rations for convulsion will come to powers to which a British minister is

nought-that the spirit of insurrecentitled, he ought to retain office: tion will exhaust itself in them-and there are resources yet undeveloped, that, when the storm has spent its which, under or during a Conservative violence in impotent although very administration, may be exerted and angry demonstrations of rage, the governed for the salvation of the em- political atmosphere will acquire a pire.

character of peace, and will hold forth While we thus deprecate the remo- a promise of security, such as never

in the time of living men gave confi. dence to the true friends of Ireland. But

Who can hold a fire in the hand' By thinking of the frosty Caucasus ; Or wallow naked in December's snow, By bare remembrance of the summer's

heat."

It is pleasant to remember difficulties and dangers when they are overpast; but no wise man would willingly linger among them, or desire their continuance; no wise man would think it safe to endure them if they could be safely removed, or, if such an alternative were impracticable, could contemplate them without uneasiness and alarm.

We feel this part of our subject to be of the more moment, in that it is, we apprehend, very imperfectly understood. There is no danger, it is said, in the repeal demonstrations, because the aspect of an armed soldiery will be sufficient to deter disaffected multitudes from breaking out into rebellion. Is this the danger which ought to be most seriously dreaded ? No. Wise men would look upon open insurrection as far less formidable than those tranquil demonstrations of purpose and of power, which calmly defy authority to interfere with them, and in which multitudes abstain from violence, simply because they will not lose, in any struggle, the vantage ground in which the laws, or those who administer the laws, are pleased to leave them. Insurrection, now, might be an abortive effort, inadequately sustained, speedily, and with little suffering at any side, counteracted and suppressed. Insurrection commenced when all has been duly prepared for its furtherance, may be a war, in which, wherever victory lights, all parties will have to mourn over the calamitous issues of the conflict.

But this mode of considering the danger to which we are exposed does not make the evil manifest in all its magnitude. In addition to the repealers and the executives of the country (comprehending, under that name, military, constabulary, and constituted authorities in general), there is a third party, which consists of at least a million and a half of subjects, whose prin. ciples, interests, and prejudices, are

generally (we might perhaps say universally) favourable to British connection. How is this party likely to be affected by the demonstrations and the exertions of the repealers--how is it likely to be influenced by the policy of the government ? It may be truth, that all possessed of property know that their interests pledge them to the maintenance of British connection. It is truth, that the great mass of the Protestant population are attached to England by influences more disinterested. But it is also truth that this great body is open to influences of a different nature. They may be divided among themselves. They may all be cooled in their zeal for England. They may all be induced to believe that the forbearance of the British government is ruin, if not treachery, to them. Nay, we speak more directly, and confidently affirm, of our own knowledge, that every great repeal demonstration alienates some hearts from the cause of British comection, abates the love of it in others. Already some notices of this danger have offered their admonitions to the forgetful and unheeding. Here and there some few Protestants individually, or in little knots, have given in their adhesion to repeal. As yet, perhaps, the great body is sound ; but if it be longer neglected, or rather, if it be much longer left exposed to the influences of repeal agitation, and the seductions of a system of proselytism artfully contrived and zealously administered, the consequences will be fatal. The Protestants of Ire. land live among remembrances which may be turned to pernicious use against them. They have a most desponding remembrance of the concession of 1829, and of all its aggravating circumstances. They have a keen sense of wrong inflicted upon themselves in the dishonour done to their great political festivals; and, when their thoughts “ that way turn,” burn with indignation to see repeal flags spread abroad over the fields from which a partial enactment has chased away the standard of William the Deliverer. The orange flag condemned by a severe law, laid up as a relic from good days past, or made part of the antique fur. niture of a lodge-room, has a bad effect on the tempers and spirits of men, who know that the green banner of separation is flying in the open air,

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