them; but, we hope, not without knowing what it does,-not without knowing and approving the acts which, it is expected, the convocation is to perform; otherwise serious mischief may be done. If a convocation be empowered to act as a legislature, with no other restraints on its freedom of discussion than the prudence or principle of its members may supply, although the crown can refuse to sanction its enactments, and can thus deprive its canons of authority, evil may be done in its debates, which the sovereign's interposition would be too late to remedy. A convocation empowered, at this time, to enact canons, would feel that it was expected to enact them: that, if it did not legislate, public expectation would be disappointed. There is much danger and strong temptation in such a feeling. The persuasion that character will be lost if something be not done, often causes the doing of something rash and wrong: where interests of so deep moment as those of religion and the church are at stake, so grave a peril ought not to be hazarded. if it be necessary that the convocation obtain the royal license to legislate, let the necessity be plainly shown, let the freedom and the power which are to be exercised, have their due limits assigned them-let the sovereign and the people know what are the precise changes to be effected; and then it will be practicable to arrive at a correct judgment, whether it is desirable that the powers solicited should be granted, and it will be also practicable to make provision that, if granted, they shall not be abused.

No:

The

And here, by anticipation, we protest against any argument which an ingenious and enterprising reader may extort from an obvious and plausible analogy. Parliament is a species of civil convocation, as the convocation is an ecclesiastical parliament. freedom of the civil assembly has not been destructive to the British constitution; ergo, to grant freedom of action to the ecclesiastical synod would not prove ruinous to the church. This is a weak argument. The dif ferences between the assemblies rashly compared together, are wider, and more real, than the seeming resemblances are obvious. Parliament has grown into power, as a man grows

from infancy to the fulness of his mature strengh, which he has learned to use, and to command, during the slow process of its acquisition. The convocation would have to enter upon its arduous duties, and to exert its perilous powers, without the regulating and restraining influences of habit and experience; as a man would have to act who came into the world without the preparation of childhood and adolescence, who found himself in society with the strength and the passions of perfectly developed life, and with the fatal inexperience which made these gifts his masters.

It should be remembered, too, that in the constitution of parliament there are checks and counterpoises, admirably contrived for the efficiency and conservation of the political system. There is an element which stimulates to action-an element in which, because of its representative character, the legislature and the people are identified an element which is as an organ of the popular mind, which is animated by the will, the passions, and even the prejudices of a free people— an element instinct with influences of the present, responding to and reflecting the public voice and look, showing

"The very age and body of the time, its form and pressure."

There is another element in the British legislature, which mingles itself more unreservedly with the past, and with the future; which imbibes its political inspiration less from the spirits of the passing hour, and from the passions of an excited people, than from hereditary recollections, and from the high resolve to guard the honours and riches of the past, and transmit them, without loss or stain, as its rightful heritage, to the future. If, in the commons' house of parliament, England can reckon upon agencies which obey the popular will, and are busy as that will is restless and commanding; in her higher courts she has, to temper the precipitancy of this imperious will, an assembly nurtured amid influences grander and more enduring. If, in the enforced and incessant activity of her commons, she has a principle of progression, to which, in part, her rapid and general

improvement may be ascribed-in her peerage she has a principle of permanence, to which, under God, recent experience has taught us to ascribe the maintenance of her characteristic and distinguishing institutions. It is idle to say that the convocation, equally with parliament, has its upper house. The peerage of England is hereditary; it is formed amidst thoughts of what it owes to the memory of the dead, and it has mementoes of what it is bound to preserve, that there may be honourable remembrances for the child yet to be born. The upper house of convocation is not, necessarily, composed, for the greater part, of a body like this; and if for no other reason, the analogy supposed between the civil and ecclesiastical legislatures, however plausible it may seem, is deficient in the fidelity and exactness without which argument from it must be inconclusive.

And now, if the reader think our judgment worthy of a regard, we do not withhold it. We agree with the Bishop of Ossory in thinking, that the time for restoring to the church her synodical powers has not arrived. We are not quite sure that we share in the regret with which his lordship acquiesces in the necessity of suffering these powers to remain still in abeyance. We differ in opinion altogether with the petitioners for an ecclesiastical legislature, and with the prelates by whom their prayer was supported. To us it appears that there is no such urgent necessity for holding a convocation "for dispatch of business" as these high parties imagine; and that the dangers attendant upon the exercise of its newly imparted functions, would be far more formidable than they seem to apprehend. We do not think that the convocation could cure the evils for which it is prescribed as a remedy, but which are much more likely, we believe, to become mitigated, and perhaps removed, by a regimen like that which the Bishop of Ossory describes, and under which he has discerned symptoms of amendment. Members and ministers of the same church contend, it is said, acrimoniously for the dogmas or opinions which they respectively regard as of the most immediate importance. Where the articles of their church, and a common creed,

No:

indulge a certain latitude of opinion, they would set narrower limits. Where the visible church would acknowledge a son, parties within the church would proclaim an alien; and this not for recklessness of unclean living, for carelessness in devotional exercises, or manifest coldness of heart towards God or man, but simply from unwillingness to adopt a system, or a point of doctrine, which the church has not directly propounded, or to receive articles of religion, or words of Scripture, in a sense which, in some instances, the reason of an individual refuses to admit, and which no authority, whether of the divine word, or of human ordinance in the Church of England, has enjoined as obligatory. Surely Dr. O'Brien does not err in imagining that this is not the temper which the contentions arising out of the erection of an ecclesiastical legislature, would have the effect of speedily improving. the summons to send representatives to a house of convocation would have an exasperating, and perhaps a fatal, influence, on the spirit of parties within the church. The apprehension that one dogma or another must become permanently set in authority, would exalt profession into the semblance of principle, would give to personal contention the importance of a purely religious controversy, and in the end would convert the "idola specus" of some eminent man, (erroneous notions, to which his intellectual constitution or the circumstances of his education disposed him, from which reason had not set him free, and in which a tolerant system indulged him,) into oracles which, when their revelations go forth with authority, will have a very pernicious influence on religion and the church. So long as they remain in their proper class and rank, doctrines or opinions of an individual or a party, inferences from Gospel truth, they may be comparatively harmless; but should they be set up and recognised as articles of faith, they necessarily compel separation from the church which has exalted them, and essentially change the religious system into which they are adopted. Such a change would be, on the part of the Church of England, a recoil into Romanism-a setting up opinions of fallible men, as though they were equal in importance

and authority with the articles of faith revealed in Scripture, and embodied in those formularies which have been received in all ages by the catholic church, as containing a complete summary of saving truth.

The errors which constitute the outer distinctions of Romanism might not prevail in the projected convocation, but if any error, or any private opinion, any sectarian notion, were proclaimed an essential part of doctrine, which must necessarily be believed, the great principle of the catholic church would be set aside, and the principle of Romanism would be introduced into its place. The fear of so calamitous a result is not a vain chimera, and its prayer, especially when it seeks no more than a little delay, is entitled to a respectful consideration. Were such a prayer refused, substantial reason should be shown for its rejection. It asks no more than that a change of great magnitude, and likely to be attended by most serious consequences, shall not be hastily made. Nothing less than necessity could justify disregard of such a prayer, and certainly a clear case of necessity has not been made out by the advocates of change.

Both

We have already said, that our good wishes are with the petitioners for delay. We judge, as it appears to us, justly, and as we are conscious, impartially, between the parties at issue. parties agree in their representation of the state of things they would reform. There is a spirit of disputation in the Church, which both would cast out or correct. The one would give it scope and authority in an ecclesiastical legislature the other would withhold from it such opportunities of exercise. The one maintains that the uncharitable temper in which opposing sections now wage upon each other a controversial war, will be mitigated by raising personal altercation to the dignity and importance of legislative discussionthe other fears that personal contention would thus become embittered, that the effect upon individual character would be evil, and upon the unity of the Church, calamitous in the extreme. This other party would hope a better result from the ameliorating influences which wait upon the unmarked progress of time, and are productive of changes which oftimes are unobserved until they are com

pleted. They hope, that asperities of opinion will be smoothed by discussions in which no more is aimed at than to convince or persuade. They hope much from prayer and meditation. They know that much has already been achieved that many, who had had angry differences and disputes, have been brought, through gracious influences, "to hold the one faith," not, it is true, in exact conformity of opinion, but, "in unity of spirit, in the bond of peace, and in righteousness of life." They remember instances in which this happy result has been attained, and discern in them hope of further good. What has been realised encourages them. Evil, they know, still exists; but they hope its removal-not from agencies which they think likely to feed the fire of contention-" ignem gladio scrutari"-but from influences of which they have seen good effects; and which, they believe, will not cease their beneficial operations upon vices still to be corrected :

"Fortassis et istine,

Largiter abstulerit longa atas, liber amicus, Consilium proprium."

There are many topics suggested by our subject, on which, were our limits not already approached, we would willingly enlarge. There is one upon which, confined as we are in space, we feel constrained to offer a brief obser vation. It is the unfitness of parliament to legislate for the Church. We agree in opinion with the Archbishop of Dublin. The legislature of Great Britain is not so constituted as an assembly ought to be to which the regulation of ecclesiastical affairs and interests is entrusted. We are, however, strongly moved towards this conclusion by a reason which his grace has not stated. The admission into parliament of parties adverse to the Church, influences the Archbishopthe exclusion of parties especially devoted to its interests, has no less weight with us. The House of Commons has legislated upon things spiritual and things temporal, by which the Church and the clergy were affected-upon the suppression of bishoprics-on the discontinuance or extinction of parochial ministrations on the principle and construction of systems of Christian education on the duties and con

ditions of clerical residence-on the pecuniary terms upon which incumbents may obtain the services of assistant curates-on the revenues of the clergy, and the due maintenance of public worship; has undertaken to grant 66 novas tabulas," where ecclesiastics were the creditors-has been generous at their cost, bestowing largesses, amounting to nearly a fourth of their whole income-has distinguished them by imposing upon the poor remnant of their property a heavy burden, from which the laity are exempt-haз taxed them, to double the amount of the laity, for the maintenance of the poor, and pronounced them disqualified for having any share in the administration of the funds, to which it requires of them to contribute so largely ;-and the House of Commons which holds itself competent to deal thus with the interests and concerns of the Established Church, and to dispose of the rights, privileges, and properties of its ministers, has provided, by a severe law, that no one member of that body shall assist in its deliberations. We have inquired, and have never been able to discover, a valid reason for this singular exclusion. We could understand it if it were based upon a respect for clerical duty, we could understand the exclusion from parliament of all clergy, who have care of souls. We should not object to see the obli

gation of ministerial residence enforced as strictly as the interests of true religion demand; but that, because an individual has dedicated himself more especially to God's service, by becoming a minister of the national church, he has disqualified himself for proposing or promoting in the British House of Commons, laws, by which England is to be governed-for a prohibition having an effect like this, we frankly confess our inability to discover—our incompetency to understand any sufficient reason, either in reason or in morals.

Our limits, and some knowledge of the difficulties by which it is surrounded, forbid us to pursue the consideration of this topic further. Our sense of its importance has enforced from us a passing notice. We cast it "upon the waters."

As to the main subject-matter of our article, to which we purpose speedily to return, we would respectfully offer, for the present, a parting recommendation. Let those who desire the restoration to the Church, at this time, of its synodical powers, enumerate the reforms or changes, in effecting which such powers should be exerted. Let them say what it is their desire that an ecclesiastical legislature should do it will then become possible to judge whether it be safe and adviseable to grant their petitions.

"In the name of fury, you scoundrel," exclaimed Colonel Ashburnham, addressing the captain of the cutter, as soon as they reached the deck," what made you strike and reef the sails ?"

"Because I couldn't help it," replied the man. "They are to windward of us, and will be alongside of us in no time. If you come to that, what made that gentleman stay so long-and who the devil are you, who come to give orders here?"

He added a number of oaths, which are not necessary to repeat. But, Colonel Ashburnham waved his hand, saying, "Silence, sir—I thought I was known by every body, who even pretends to serve the king. I am Colonel Ashburnham, an officer in his service, and I order you, if there be a chance of getting away, to make sail instantly!"

"There is no chance," answered the man.

"No, sir!-not now!" said a seaman, who stood near; "for nothing is ready. If we had not reefed the sails, indeed"

"Well, well!" said Colonel Ashburnham, "what must be, must be !— Where are the Frenchmen ?"

"There stands one," said the captain, sullenly, "and the other has gone down below."

"If you have any thing to destroy, sir," said the colonel, addressing Barecolt in French, "you had better go and do it at once."

"I have nothing on earth, sir," replied Barecolt, "but a score or two of crowns, a grey doublet, and two shirts-all of which I would sooner destroy on shore than on the water at any time. I have a grand objec tion to that element in every shape and in every quantity, from a jugfull to the Atlantic.'

"Your nose vouches for your truth," replied Ashburnham, with a low bow; for he was a man, who, notwithstanding the sterner and more devoted points of his character, could understand and appreciate a joke.

OLD.

"You say right, colonel," replied Barecolt, laying his hand upon his proboscis. "An honest man never fears to bear a witness of his actions about with him."

"Had you not better," said Ashburnham, in a lower tone, " go down, and see if you can help your companion." "With all my heart," answered Barecolt, "though I think, what he is about, he can do without help; but I will go and tell him that the big black monster there, is coming up more like a swallow than a whale, and that may hasten his proceedings.'

Thus saying, he descended into the cabin; but speedily returned, laughing and saying, in broken English, "He is mortally sea-sick, poor miserable! I thought he would be so, in the boat."

"Ay! it is the motion of the ship, lying to," replied Ashburnham, aloud; "but, on my life, this is a bad affair for me. You two gentlemen, I dare say, they will let go as strangers; but I am unfortunately too well known. Here they come, however, and we shall soon know the worst.'

A moment after the headmost ship of the enemy brought to, and while the others sailed on after the Good Hope, a boat was immediately dispatched to take possession of the cutter, and the deck was crowded in a few minutes with seamen from Hull.

The leader of the party recognized Colonel Ashburnham at once, and laughed when he saw him, exclaiming, "Ha, ha! we have got something for our chase, however! Who is there on board besides, colonel ?"

"I really cannot tell, sir," answered Colonel Ashburnham, gravely; "I have just got into this unfortunate vessel from the other ship, and know nothing of any body on board, but that fellow, and he pointed to the captain, who is evidently one of three things." "What, sir!" exclaimed the captain, looking at him fiercely.

"Fool, coward, or traitor!" exclaimed Colonel Ashburnham calmly.