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PREFACE TO THE READER.
The ensuing discourses are all designed for the good and service of the religion by law established; and two of them are so excellently adapted to that end by their author, that if I have not spoiled them by an ill version, there can be no doubt made, but they will be of great use. Of the third I beg leave to give somewhat a larger account, because I am a little more concerned in it.
The life I have collected, 1. from Mr. Humfrey's, who wrote bishop Jewel's life at large in quarto. 2. The English life put before his works which was penned about the year 1609. 3. Mr. Fuller's Church History. 4. Dr. Heylin's Ecclesia Anglicana restaurata, and others who wrote any thing that related to those times, and fell into my hands in that short time I had to finish it in. Mr. Humfrey's alone would have been sufficient, if he had observed an exact method in writing this life; or been altogether free from affections. But tho he tells us bishop Jewel kept a diary of his life, and that he had assistance from Dr. Parkhurst' bishop of Norwich, Ægidius Lawrence, Mr. John Jewel the bishop's brother, and one Mr. John Garbrande and others; and printed his piece in the year 1573, which was not much above two years after the death of bishop Jewel, yet he has not observed any exact order or method in the history of his life: and he no where tells us in what year he was made a fellow, or received orders, nor from whom; only he tells us Mr. Harding took his orders at the same time. Nor has he acquainted us when Mr. Harding published his first or second Antapologies,
Parkhurst.] See p. 324.
nor when the bishop went to Padua, nor how long he staid there, nor who were his partners in his visitation for the queen. Nor has he marked almost any of the principal actions of his life when they were done; and tho he mentions a sermon at Paul's Cross, and a conference with the dissenters not long before his death, yet he neither tells us the time or occasion of either of them; but instead of these, runs out into discourses against Harding and others of that perswasion, which were nothing, or very little to his purpose.
The English life before his works, is only an extract out of Mr. Humfrey's Latin work, but yet was helpful to me in many particulars, being done by a wise man?, and who doth not seem to have been biassed as the former was; who makes it his business to represent both the church of England and bishop Jewel as wonderous friends to the churches of Switzerland, that is, to the Calvinists, because he, good man, was one himself, tho not so mad as those that followed; and upon this very account I do suspect he has left out many things that he might have related, and would have afforded great light to the church history of those times, and especially to bishop Jewel's life.
Fuller is barren in his relations of those times, the bishop lived after his consecration, tho he afforded me some good helps. Dr. Burnet has continued his history but a little way in queen Eliza
? Done by a wise man.] The writer was Daniel Featley. “ If any desire to be more familiarly acquainted with Jewel, let him read the story of his life at large in doctor Humfrey, or at least the abridgment thereof, which I drew in the year of our Lord 1611, being then student in Corpus Christi College, at the command of archbishop Bancroft; which as soon as it was sent up, was suddenly printed, and prefixed to Jewel's works.”-Featley in Fuller's Abel redivivus, p. 313. edit. 1651.
3 Was one himself.] Humfrey, it is certain, though president of a college, and regius professor of divinity, was, at least till his later years, a very zealous puritan; and was more than once in some trouble on that account. Indeed, what wonder, that he was unmoved by the arguments and the threats of theologians, when his flinty breast could withstand the condescending and courtly flatteries of a virgin queen? In the year 1566 Elizabeth visited Oxford; and she, in return to the dutiful reception given to her upon her arrival, offering her hand to kiss, to the vice-chancellor, doctors and masters; while Humfrey was receiving that honour, the queen said, “ Dr. Humfrey methinks this gown and habit becomes you cery well : and I marvel you are so straight-laced in this point-but I come not now to chide.” Wood's Annals. vol. ii. p. 156. edit. 1790. .
beths time; and Dr. Heylin ended his with the beginning of the year 1566, which was about five years before the death of bishop Jewel: and I have neither time nor leisure, nor interest to search the records of those times, and compare the editions of books and other things by which this life might have been put into a better method, as to the timing of things.
And besides all this, it were perhaps indecent to put a long life before two such small tractates as I am to entertain my reader with; but yet I hope the life, such as it is, will give some light to the discourses, and raise a venerable idea of this good bishop in the reader's mind; which were the things I chiefly aimed at in the writing of it.
As to the pieces, the first of these, the Apology, was written in Latin in the beginning of the year 1562, or the latter end of the foregoing year, and was occasioned by pope Pius the fourth calling the council of Trent, and sending his nuncio Martiningo to invite the queen to it; and the interposition of most of the greatest princes of Christendom, who wrote to the queen to entertain the nuncio and submit to the council. Whereupon it was thought but reasonable to give the world an account of what we had done in the preceding parliament, and the reasons of it, and to retort the many accusations brought against our church by the papists. And therefore it was but reasonable that it should be in Latin, that being the most common language, and understood by the learned men of all nations; and accordingly it found entertainment in all places, and was read in them: which is more perhaps than can be said of any other book written for our church since the Reformation.
Mr. Harding had a great quarrel against it, because it was not inscribed neither to the pope nor to the council. But there being no reason to make them our judges, and they having no right to claim that authority over us, it had been a great oversight to have made any such inscription, which would have been a kind of making them what they had neither right nor reason to expect to be, and from whom we could expect no justice.
The natives had without doubt a great desire to see what was in this book which then made so great a noise in the world; and the learned men being then otherwise imployed, a lady who was one of the most learned of the age, undertook that task, and made a very faithful and perhaps elegant version of it for the time when it was made.
She was then wife to sir Nicholas Bacon lord keeper of the great seal of England, second daughter to sir Anthony Cooke knight, one of the tutors to king Edward the sixth, who being an excellent scholar, had taken care to improve his five daughters (Lloyd's State-worthies, p. 374) so much in learning, that they became the wonders of the age, and were sought in marriage by great men, more for their natural and acquired endowments and beauty, than for their portions, tho they did not want that neither. Mildred the eldest married William Cecil lord treasurer of England; Anne the second was this lady Bacon ; Kathe rine the third married sir Henry Killegrew; Elizabeth the fourth married sir Thomas Hobby; the fifth whose name is lost, married sir Ralph Rowlet, all three knights and men of great estates and esteem.
This version was made soon after the piece was first printed, tho I cannot tell precisely in what year, for Mr. Humfrey tells us Mr. Harding answered the English book, and it is so well done, that I profess I could never have made so good a version as I have, if I had not been assisted by it; but then our language is so much refined and exalted since that time (which is above an hundred years,) that it was perhaps necessary to put it into a more modish dress, in order to recommend it to the reading of those who do not much admire excellent sense in a harsh and obsolete stile, and for this reason only have very many books of late been new turned ; and they of France who put out the elegant Mons version of the New Testament, give no other reason for it than this.
The epistle to seignior Scipio was written soon after the Apology, and to a private Venetian gentleman in a more free and friendly way, as not being at all intended for the publick. It was first printed in English and Latin at the end of the Council of
* In what year.] It was sent to Parker, abp. of Canterbury, in manuscript ; and after a diligent revisal by him, and by bishop Jewel, he returned it printed, to the translator, with a very handsome introductory letter, in the year 1564. See Strype's Parker, p 178, 179.
But, if we may believe bishop Tanner, and Mr. Strype, there had been already published another translation in 4to, in the year 1562. See Tanner's Bibliotheca Britan. Hibern. p. 427. Strype's Parker, p. 179.
5 Mons version.] The Jansenist version by the Port-Royalists, begun by Antoine Le Maître and finished by his brother J. L. Le Maître de Sacy and others. It was first published at Mons, whence its name, though printed at Amsterdam by the Elzevirs.
Trento. Who made that version I know not, but it is a very good one, and if I might have had so much liberty, I would only have altered a very few words in it, and so have re-printed it again. But not daring to take that liberty with what belonged to other men, I have done it over again as well as I could, and perhaps the reader will not be displeased to see it in the same stile with the Apology, in English as well as Latin.
But now, who can enough deplore the blindness, pride and partiality of those men, who, being led by interest, and hood-winked by ignorance, did at first imploy all the disingenuous arts that spite and prejudice could furnish them with, to ruine this most excellent, apostolical, and primitive church; or force her to return back to the state of corruption, out of which with so much labour, difficulty, and danger, she was then rising?
But there is some allowance to be made for the misinformation of strangers, who being separated from us by the ocean, were forced to take such accounts as were given them by others; and 1. being too apt to believe the reports of their own priests, whose interest it was to blacken her what they could ; and 2. those of our own fugitives, who made the case much worse than they themselves thought it, that they might obtain the more pity, and consequently the better relief and provision abroad, which is wont to be afforded to all those that fly for religion, amongst those of the same faith ; 3. And also suspecting the fidelity of the relations made by our ministers in foreign courts ; 4. And of all our travellers who stuck to, and embraced the religion established by law.
But then what can be said for those Roman Catholics (as they will needs be called) who living at home here in England, and consequently having better means of informing themselves concerning the truth of things, cannot pretend to excuse themselves by those topics strangers may ? It was both their duty and interest to inform themselves of the affairs of their own country, and to submit to the laws and customs of it, whilest strangers that are not under those obligations, may excuse themselves if they do not make so diligent an inquiry into things, or happen at last to be mistaken in them. Besides in the settlement under queen Elizabeth, all the care imaginable was taken to unite the whole
6 Council of Trent.] i. e. of the English translation of father Paul's work, by sir Nathan. Brent.