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be, any document exceeding 12 tollas or 4oz. 10dwt. in weight ; nor by dawk bangy any parcel of greater weight than 600 tollas or 10lbs. 202. by which latter conveyance the time occupied between Calcutta and Bombay will be nearly doubled; the time by the regular dawk in the N. E. monsoon, when laden with the steam mail being thirteen days, while in the S. W. monsoon it is estimated it will take 15 or 16 days. That your memorialists firmly believe that until such extended communication, as that now prayed for, is established an almost universal dissatisfaction will prevail throughout India especially as Her Majesty's ministers have, through the Lords of Treasury and the particular ministerial authority for the affairs of India, the President of your Right Hon'ble Board, expressly declared their unqualified concurrence in the now repeated anxi. ous wish and desire of your memorialists and of India ge. nerally ; while the evidence lately taken before the Select Committee of the House of Commons, cannot fail still further to satisfy your memorialists, and the people of India in general, of the justice, sound policy, and expediency of at once establishing a regular and expeditious steam communication between England and the several presidencies on a scale adequate to the growing wants of India in her relations with Great Britain.
That vour memorialists therefore most earnestly and respectfully pray that your Right Hon'ble Board will, in cenjunction with the Hon'ble the Court of Directors, forth with establish such a steam communication between England and India as may give.public satisfsction and fulfil, what has been admitted by the highest authority connected with the government of British India to be the “just expectations of the people both of England and of lndia.”
N. B. the memerial to the Court of Directors is the same mutatis mutundis and with the omission of the second paragraph.-Hurkaru, January 3.
CAPTAIN GRIND LAY'S EXPLANATIONS.
To C. P, GREENlaw, Esq. Secretary to the New Bengal Steam Fund.
Sin,-I have to acknowledge the receipt of your letter
dated 1st May, 1837, enclosing a resolution passed by the committee of Calcutta at a uneeting held on that day. As I trust that by this time my constituents in alcutta entertain a feeling with regard to my labours very differ. ent from that which is expressed in the resolution which you have transmitted, I might perhaps be justified in abstaining from any comment upon it, and trusting to the slow, but generally certain effect of time to secure me Justice. The adoption of this course, however, might not be free from the appearance of disrespect, and for this reason 1 think it necessary to make a few explanatory remarks. In the first place I must observe, that the resolution is based upon an assumption that is incorrect. It is assumed that I have not advocated the extended plan of steam communication, and for this imaginary neglect the penalty of the disapprobation of my constituents is to be inflicted. I cannot but regret, and not less on account of those who passed the resolution than of him who is the object of it, that a little more attention was not previously given to the whole tenor and course o my proceedings, and also that the great principle of justice was not adhered to, which requires that a man should be heard before he is condemned. Without af. sording me an opportunity of explaining such parts of my conduct as my constituents might deem to stand in need of explanation, I receive the most painful expression of disapprobation which it was in their power to convey. That the infliction might be rendered as galling as possible, it is somewhat ostentatiously announced in
the public journals of India, and communicated to'
various individuals in this country, with a promptitude and industry which would seem rather disproportioned to the object, even if the resolution had been the result of full and impartial investigation, instead of being founded upon erparte views and heated feelings.
No opportunity of defence or exculpation is allowed me. The first official intimation that I receive of the existence of a charge against me, is the transmission of my conviction and senteuce. I cannot reconcile this to any principle of fairness, and I am sure that upon review it will appear even to those who have been parties to the proceeding, that I have been hastily dealt with.
Returning to the question, whether or not I have advocated the extended plan, from the discussion of which I have been led by the extraordinary course of proceeding adopted. I beg to submit that I have been the constant, determined, and unwavering supporter of that plan, from a period antecedent to my connection with the Calcutta committee, and that I have devoted all the mental and physical energy which I possess to promote its success. It has been the object to which all my labours have tended, and from which my attention has never been for a moment withdrawn. For evidence of this I may refer to almost innumerable passages of my correspondence, and to the testimony of all persons in this country who have had the means of observation. I am so much at a loss to conceive the grounds upon which is rested the assumption, that I have not advocated the extended plan of communication, that I am scarcely in a condition to meet the charge in any other way than by a plain denial.
Of the extent and persevering consistency of my advocacy, the subscribers generally have not the same means of judging as those who have been more immediately concerned in the management of the correspondence. Much that could not be conveniently introduced into public letters, has been adverted to in private communications; and when I am attacked for neglecting that object which I have incessantly laboured to promote, I must rely upon the justice of those who are better informed, to give me the assistance of their good report. I have understood indeed that exception was taken to a small part of the pamphlet which created so considerable a sensation where none was felt before, and the publication of which I sincerely believe was a most influential movement towards the end for which we were striving. I have heard that it has been imputed to me as a direliction of duty, that 1 did not in that Pamphlet insist upon the eatended plan or none at all. My answer is that the entire tendency of the Pamphlet is to give an impression that the extended plan is not alone the most eligible, but that it is that which must ultimately be adopted. These are the views pervading the pamphlet, while in the appendix of documents the reader is conducted at once to the same conclusions in a more direct manner. This course was adopted neither from coldness, nor from indolence, not from carelessness. It was the result of deliberate consideration, and time has but convinced me more and more of its propriety. The pamphlet did not expound all the views which I entertained on the subject nor all which I was anxious to communicate. It was but the commencement of a series of labours to draw attention to the subject, to awaken the public mind and gradually to inform it. I never professed my object to be different from what I now state it to have been. In my letter of the 24th December last, which accompanied the pamphlet I spoke of it as intended to “prepare the public mind for further measures,” and this is the language which I have invariably held. But why did I not take other ground and desire at once the establishment of the extended plan 2 Because such conduct would have been the height of imprudence. Authority was against us, some of the advocates of the communication were against us, and the public was not then with us. I was anxious while rousing the last of these three parties, not to alarm the other two. I was desirous of calling forth no enemy, and of ensuring to the cause as many friends as possible. I dreaded wasting time and losing strength in discussing points of detail, all that we could command both of time and strength were required to draw attention to the principle. It is not vanity to say that no man in this country is better acquainted than I am with the difficulties which stand in our way, and I can testify that we had no strength to spare and no time to waste. I might have taken the course which it seems now to have been desired that I should take, but I conscientiously believe, that the result would have been a considerable loss of friends, increase distaste to the question in the higher quarters, and comparative indifference on the part of the public. Whenever I had an opportunity of safely enforcing the advantages of the extended plan I availed myself of it; and if I had not been constantly thwarted in my desire to aid the cause in public meetings, those opportunities would have been much more numerons. Let me here call attention to the resolutions prepared by me for the public meeting which I was anxious should take F. in the city of London, and which at one period 1 had sanguine hopes of obtaining. One of these resolutions refers expressly to the beneficial effects of the proosed steam communication in reference to China, the *. Archipelago and Australia. This implies the adoption of the most comprehensive plan of communication, and the resolution was expressly framed to imply this without calling for opposition or alarm. The same view was embodied in a clause of the proposed petition. That these meetings which I had projected with others all over the country, did not take place, is no fault of mine ; I laboured incessantly to obtain them, but in vain. Had I been successful upon this point we should have been armed with a streng, h which could not have been resisted, and I have no doubt, that by this time we should have had the extended plan in operation, I submit then, that it is both harsh and unjust to cast blame on me for the consequences of a course for which I am not responsible, and which I resisted to the full measure of my power.
The question of steam communication with India has undoubtedly made some progress in the quarters where alone the power resides of carrying it into full effect. The line to India will probably soon be perfected by extending the communication already established between England and Alexandria to Suez, Mocha, and Bombay ; and there is reason to hope that some additional facilities may be afforded by occasional recourse to the new line o ackets about to be formed in the Mediterrannean by the "rench Government, aided by overland communication to and from Marseilles. This appears to be the extent of what is at present to be looked for, and though it is to a certain degree satisfactory, it is obviously less than is required either by the wishes or the necessities of the Indian community. No plan will meet their views and interests which does not embrace a monthly communication will all the presiden cies; and so long as it is confined to one, the advantages contemplated must be very imperfectly realized. The expectations of India on this point are reasonable, and the object to which they point undoubtly practicable. The comprehensive plan has in its favor not ouly
private suffrage but has been sanctioned by the delibernte judgment of the treasury and the India Board. Under these circumstances, there could be no impropriety in endeavouring to assist Government in carrying out the plan which two of its boards have admitted to be the best. One of the principal reasons for the hesitation of Government to act upon its own views, is probably the apprehension that public opinion is not prepared to support them. This belief if it exists is certainly erroneous, and the most ready and complete way of removing it would be by petitions emanating from a public meeting in the city of London. The objection to this proposition formerly existing in the mind of Sir John Hobhouse may not continue in its full strength, and in whatever degree it may remain it might probably be removed by a proper application. To this end the good offices of Lord William Bentinck might be requisite. His Lordship's influences it may be hoped, would be successful in obtaining the consent of the President of the Board of Contreul to the adoption of a measure which is resorted to in all cases of public interest, and is usually found far more efficient in promoting a desired object than any other means which can be used.
(Signed) R. M. GRINdlay.
Deprived of those public means which would have been most efficacious, I was thrown entirely upon the use of private efforts ; and to these I devoted inyself to the injury of my health and to the neglect of my personal interests, amid a host of obstacles which would have deter. red any man who did not despise both ease and self-advantage when they stand in the way of his duty. I experienced much anxiety and subjected myself to an overwhelming mass of labour, but I have the satisfaction of knowing that it was not altogether in vain. Obstacles gradually disappeared, the public become interested in the question, hostility diminished. One of the home authorities consented to admit the principle which it had always before steadily rejected, the other avowed itself a convert to the extended plan. Are these things nothing 1 Qi, have they bren effected without human agency 1 What share l have had in producing them 1 leave to others to declare, and I may appeal to two of the warmest, most judicious, and most intelligent friends of the extended plan, Lord Wm. Bentinck and Mr. Turton, for justice to myself, as well as to your Home Com. unittee.
From the moment that we obtained the ear of the pub. lic and of the authorities, I avowed publicly as I had before done privately, my advocacy of the extended plan : could I then take this step without comproidising the interests of my coustituents, and I lost not a moment when the proper time arrived.
I would call especial attention to my evidence before the late Parliamentary Committee, and to a paper formerly transmitted to you, which I had proposed to tender as my evidence.
Time will not allow me to enter into particulars so fully as I could wish, and indeed the vague nature of the charge against me renders it impossible for me to know to what particulars 1 ought especially to speak. On the fifth of August last, I addressed a letter to you containing a brief review of my proceedings with a statement of some of the reasons by which they had been governed. I enclose a copy of that letter now and request that it inay be considered as a part of my present communication, and submitted with it to the subscribers,
I know that I have served them zealously and I believe discreetly... I cannot believe that they will eventually blame me for a discretion which has saved their cause from being wrecked, and in the anticipation of the return of more kindly feelings I suspend until this communication has been considered the proceedings which would
finally dissolve a connection which I have always felt to be an honor.
The home committee will meet on the 20th proximo, when they will have an opportunity of passing judgment upon my conduct. I fully believe that it will be a most favorable one, and as they have had the best means of observation, I need not say that whatever it may be, it will merit the highest respect.
I have the honor to be, Sir, your most obedient servant, - (Signed) R. M. Gmindlay. London, 30th September, 1837.
CATPAIN GRIN DLAY'S RETROSPECT.
London, 5th August, 1837. To C. B. G REENLaw, Esq. Secretary to the Bengal Steam Fund, Calcutta.
Sin, - From the period when I had the honor of undertaking the charge which the committee at Calcutta were pleased to entrust to me, I have kept them continually advised of the steps which had been taken to advance the question, and of the degree of success by which they had been attended. With regard to our progress previously to the 1st of June, I can have therefore but little that is new to communicate ; but the transmission of the report of the committee of the House of Commons appointed during the last sessions, appears to me to be a proper occasion for taking a very brief retrospect of our proceedings. By looking at the state of the question when it was first taken up, comparing it with its present position, and observing the intermediate steps by which the change has been effected, we shall, I think, be enabled better to understand and appreciate both our prospects during the past, and our prospects for the future,
Previously to my being honored by the first instructions from my constituents in India, I had devoted my attention to the subject of steam communication, but appearances here were of the most dark and discouraging description. To say that the public generally and even the more intelligent part of them were indifferent on the subject will not convey an adequate idea of the prevailing state of feeling. That state was apathy at its extreme point—if I might be allowed to add a superlative to a superlative—l would say at its most extreme point.
The ignorance prevailing upon the subject equalled the indifference, and was indeed in a great degree the cause of it. Many perhaps a majority of those who took the trouble of ever bestowing a thought on the subject, believed the design to be about as practicable as a proposal for a communication by balloon. Others who did not deny a steam communication with India to be within the limits of possibility, were frightened at the enormous expence which they believed necessary to es: tablish and keep it up. Others again were insensible to the advantage of such a communication, and many commercial men of eminence believed that it would be prejudicial to existing interests of greater importance than those which it was proposed to serve. This difficulty was especially felt by Major Head in his endeavors to obtain subscribers to his scheme, and the fact that his project received such slender encouragement, at a period when the mania for joint stock speculation was raging at its greatest height, inust be regarded as a convincing proof how little disposed the people of this country were to promote the object which in India was felt to be of such existing interest. Worse than all, those in authority were either against us, or not decidedly with us. The Euphrates expedition was then in progress, it was a favorite in high quarters, the most sanguine hopes were entertained of its success, and it was distinctly asserted that the conveyance of letters by that route, was all that the public had a right to expect, and all that the Government ought to provide for. The Red Sea route
found advocates indeed in those who had studied the question and understood its practical bearings ; but these persons were few, and unfortunately not in the most influential stations. The Court of Directors twice rejected the plan in any form ; and the evidence of Sir John Hobhouse will shew how strong was the feeling against it. In the legislature nothing was to be hoped for, until the stagnant power of public opinion had been effectually stirred ; the Bombay petition had been presented by the President of the India Board, but this step so far from creating any interest corresponding with the magnitude of the question did not even elicit a single remark. The Houses of Parliament partook fully of the public torpor. In this state of things the obvious course was to proceed gradually, but steadily in the work of awakening and enlightening the public mind on the subject which we had at heart, and the greatest caution was necessary to avoid the danger of throwing over the plan altogether, possibly for years. It was necessary not to claim too much at once lest both the public and the Government should become alarmed, and indifference should be exchanged for what would have been still worse, obstinate resistance. It was necessary, indeed, to divert attention exclusively to the Red Sea, and to maintain the superiority of that line over every other ; but this ground being taken as the basis of the movement, it was desirable to avoid controversy as far as it was possible. It was desirable to make no enemy and to lose no friends. These were the principles which I laid down for my own guidance, and on them I have invariably acted. The first public step taken by me was the insertion of the circular in the Times" newspaper of the 29th of September. The circulation and influence of this journal are such as to render it the best vehicle for preparing the public mind and giving it a required direction upon any subject. Having commenced the moment in this widely read and influential journal, I continued it by publications in various papers and periodicals, the majority of which are named in the margin. Thus far l acted solely on my own views and I believe that my labors were not in vain. On receiving the Committee's instructions l placed myself in communication with Lord William Bentinck and the gentlemen appointed to act as a home committee.
From this period my system of operations under their sanction has been so fully and regularly submitted to your notice, that a mere glance at them will be sufficient.
I may remark that as Parliament was not sitting, our only course was to endeavour to act upon the public ; and the general apathy on which l have already dwelt, would indeed have made this advisable though Parliament had not been prorogued. The memorandum dated the 3d October, details the various modes by which I proposed to prepare the way for opening the Parliamentary contest with effect. It will be recollected that a plan was laid down for a series of public meetings and of petitions emanating from those meetings. I was especially anxious upon this point, because it would have given us opportunities of doing that which could not be done safely in any other way. Had the proposed meetings taken place, they might have led without difficulty to the adoption in their petition, of language utterly inconsistent with any system of communication, but that which is the best and most desirable, namely, the most comprehensive.
To illustrate this I may refer to the draft of the proposed London petition. The London meeting, had it taken place, would, in all probability, have been composed of persons of every possible degree of information and every possible shade of opinion. At such a neeting where many would know little or nothing of the subject, where many more were but half friends or perhaps concealed enemies, and where another portion would probably be enamoured of some favorite plan of their own,
* Times, 29th September, 1836.
and consequently indisposed to tolerate any other which is threatened to interfere with it, in such a meeting, and s with public opinion uninformed and wandering, the friend of a communication with all the ports of India could not venture to speak out as decidedly as they could wish, but the communication contemplated in the petition drafted for that meeting is with “India and China” without -mitation, the widest extension which the most arden friends of the plan could desire. By such a mode of aivancing the comprehensive plan we should have es caped opposition, at the same time that we had a prospect of enlisting on our side, interests not immediately connected with India. I have coutinually regretted the disappointment of my views with regard to public meet. ings, and for no cause more than for this, that we lost the opportunity of pledging the petitioners to the extended plan, and of acting upon the Government in its favor, with the full force of their united influence. It is indeed useless to regret that which has passed, but it is necessary in this case to advert to it, in order to shew that the plan was arranged so as to carry the peti. tioners the full length that could be desired." The press was another engine of which I proposed that we should liberally avail ourselves. In commencing this branch of operation it appeared to me desirable to fix attention by issuing something very brief, but to the purpose. As opinion then was, a great mass of printed papers would not have been read. Selection and compression were necessary ; in making a choice among the materials received from India it was due both to my constituents and the cause that the views both o Calcutta and Madras should be presented to the public here. To effect this object I printed the Calcutta circular, the Calcutta petition and the Mladras petition preceded by a short appeal in favor of the communication “ with all parts of India.” A map accompanied, which was made the means of silently advancing the more perfect plan of communication, for by pointing out the route to each of the principal parts of India, it was to be inferred as a matter of course that none of them was to be neglected t This paper was circulated throughout every part of the kingdom. Articles in the various literary journals mentioned in the margin succeeded.: - For one important publication (the Asiatic journal) distinctly advocating the comprehensive plan, we are indebted, as I have already mentioned, to a very high authority, with whom I was in daily communication. Attention being thus partially roused it appeared to me that a separate publication on the question, somewhat
• Times, 9th September; Naval and Military Gazette, 10th September; Atlas, 11th September; Times, 13th September; Morning Gazette 23d September; Morning Herald, 30th September ; Atlas, 24 October; Times, 5th Oct. ; Atlas, 9th Oct. ; Times, 10th Nov. ; Atlas 6, 13,70; Morning and Railway Gazette, 26th Nov., Liverpool Mail, 29th ; Atlas, 4, 11, Dec. ; Sheffield Mercury, 3d Dec.
f Manchester Guardian, 30th Dec.; Asiatic Journal 1st Dec.; Times, 9th Dec. ; Times, 4th and 5th Jan. ; Morning Post, 4th ; Atlas, 8th Jan.; Steam Navigation Gazette, 7th Jan ; Times 23d Jan. ; Chronicle, 25th Jan. ;Examiner, 22d ; Railway Gazette, 23d Jan.; Asi. atic Journal, 1st Feb.; Morning Chronicle, 23d March ; Morning Advertizer, 24th March ; Times, 30th May : Times 8th June ; Atlas, 4th and l l th June ; Times and Morning Herald, 16th June ; Times, 4th July ; Atlas, 2d July.
t "Asiatic Journal, 1st Oct. ; United Service Jourual; Asiatic Journal ; Examiner ; Morning Post ; Atlas; Constitutional ; Morning Gazette ; Prince's London Price Current; Morning Advertizer; Liverpool Journal; Liverpool Chronicle ; Sheffield ; Iris; Leeds Times; Farley's Bristol Journal ; Hull, Rockingham, Glasgow Chronicle ; Cheltenham Free Press.
songer and more elaberate than any which had yetbaea ventured might now be hazarded. I therefore prepared and published my pamphlet. I was convinced by this time the public would -read such a work, which at an early period they would not. § One difficulty was thus removed, but others remained in full force. We had raised so much of sympathy in the public mind that we might fairly expect by a further effort to excite much more, but there was still the risk of going too fast, of overrunning public opinion, of exciting collision ond calling forth opposition, and, I must add, my conviction, that a very slight opposition would have been fatal to all our hopes it was necesesary, therefore, to say only so much as would be received without very great difficulty, and thus prepare the way for the rest, which might follow in due time. I must confess that I looked with much anxiety to the reception of that pamphlet. I did not feel quite assured that the public appetite was prepared for it, and I was in some fear that either it might excite no attentton, or might provoke some hostility. With regard to the latter point I was fortunate, the only discontent called forth was from the advocates of the Euphrates plan ; as to the effect of the pamphlet I was still more fortunate, and I need only refer in proof of this to the immense number of notices referred to in the margin. || I am informed by those well acquainted with literary affairs, that the circum-tance is nearly if not altogether without parallel, except in the case of some work of general literature, emanating from an author of distinguished name, and calculated for popular reading and enterainment. It may be proper to state that the notices were the actual productions of the parties having the literary management of the publications in watch they appeared-care was taken that the pamphlet was placed before them, but no means were used to influence their judgment. Their unanimity may, I think, therefore, be accepted as a proof that whether or not I displayed any great portion of talent, I was at least not deficient in the equally indispensable quality of judgment. I excited attention without creating opposition, and this effect is attributable to the cautious avoidance of all controversial mater as far as was consistent with the general advocacy of any particular plan. These testinonials were not without effect ; some who had been
Keene's Bath Journal; Bath Cheltenham Gazette; Cheltenham Herald ; Brighton Herald ; Brighton Guar. dian ; Brighton Patriot ; Leamington Chronicle ; Falmouth Packet ; Chester Courant ; Worcestershire Guardian ; Halifax Express ; Salisbury Wilshire Herald ; Lincolnshire Chronicle; Doncaster Chronicle ; Kent Herald ; Cheltenham Chionicle ; Manchester Times; Burmingham Herald; Bury Suffolk Herald ; Derby and Chesterfield Reporter; Clelmsford Chronicle; Doncas. ter Gazette ; Glasgow Scots Times ; Yorkshireman ; Kentish Chronicle ; Metropolitan Conservative Journal; Sheffield Independent; North Derbyshire Chronicle ; Dundee, Perth, &c. Advertiser ; Berkshire Chronicle; Hereford Times; Derbyshire Courier ; Tyne Mercury : Scottish Guardian ; Gravesend Journal ; Glasgow Constitutional ; York Courant.
| Dublin Evening Post; Preston Chronicle ; Halifax Guardian ; Morning Herald ; Edinburgh Observer ; Gloucester Journal ; Berwick and Kelso Warder ; Nottingham Journal ; Kendal Mercury; Cumberland Packet ; Liverpool Mail ; Life Herald ; Berwick Advertiser; Perthshire Courier ; Devonshire Chronicle ; Not. tingham Mercury ; Brighton Gazette ; Boston Herald; Woolmer's Exeter Gazette ; Coventry Herald ; Devon. port Independent ; Nottingham Journal ; Hert's Refor. mer, West Briton and Cornwall Advertiser; Edinburgh Evening Courant.: North Staffordshire Mercury ; wes. tern Luminary ; Exeter Flying Post ; Caledonian Mercury ; Northampton Chronicle; Edinburgh Observer ;
The Comet and Channel Island Advertiser.
strongly, and I doubt not conscientiously opposed to every plan of steam communication with India, and others who had been specially opposed to that by the Red Sea, gave way. Government saw that the public were becoming interested in the matter, and that something must be done; and had we been fortified by public meetings and petitions, there can be no doubt that the comprehensive scheme would have been carried at once. At the meeting of Parliament we had made some way: We had not done then all I wished, but I had done all within my power, and we were in the condition to expec that Government should at least give us a hearing. I was anxious for the early presentation of the petitions, but difficulties arose partly from the distracted state of public business, and partly from other causes. Lord William Bentinck was desirous that we should have the co-operation of Major Head's Company; with a view of effecting this object various meetings took place which, ended in
Here in my mind arises additional reason for regretting that we did not strengthen the hands of Government by public meetings and petitions.
That under any circumstances would have been my plan had I been left to choose ; it is but fair, however, to say that the state of the question as between the two authorities was kept very closely. Lord William Bentinck, one of the warmest advocates of the comprehensive plan, constantly expresel himself satisfied with our prospects, and repeatedly delayed the presentation of the petition at the suggestion of Sir John Hobhouse, who said that when prepared to state the intentions of Go* the petition would be a powerful auxiliary to
We know that he was friendly to the comprehensive plan ; but during the month of May, I obtained private
nothing. Indeed had the terminations been different as far as we are concerned the ultimate result would have been the same, as Sir John Hobhouse's evidence shews that the London Steam Company had no chance whatever with the Government. During this period, as before, I continued to urge the importance of public meetings and petitions; but, unfortunately, with no better success than formerly. I was compelled, therefore, to content myself with the use of the means which fell within my personal power. The question, continued to be postponed in Parliament until its friends had reason to be sick a heart; and a main cause of this was an impression that it would be taken up by Government in a proper spirit. our interview with the chairs and with Sir John Hobhouse were considered to a certain extent satisfactory, and the declaration of the President against public meetings was held to be decisive as to their prohibition. At the same time, I could not but feel that though the chairs had expressed themselves individually favorable, this was all, and I could not but see that Sir John Hobhouse still retained a lingering attachment to the Buphrates plan. This feeling was so apparent, that with a view of soothing it, and thus winning a most influential man from an impracticable plan to one, that was feasible. I took the opportunity afforded by a second edition of my pamphlet, to offer such an explanation upon that delicite subject as I thought would to gratifying to Sir John Hobhouse and would di-pel any eluctance which he might feel to a retreat from the Euphrates to the Red Sea, and the comprehensive
information of the possibility of an unfavorable turn, and, in consequence, addressed to the home committee a letter of which you have a copy. In this, I re-urged the necessity of public meetings and petitions on the ground “ that no plan would meet the wishes and views of the Indian community which did not embrace a communication with all the presidencies,” and that “as the comprehensive plan had in its favor not only private suffrages but had been sanctioned by the deliberate judgment of the treasury and the India Board, there could be no impropriety in endeavouring to assist Government to carry out the plan,” by the means which I recommended. ¥. will have seen, however, that I failed to convince the committee of the necessity of this until too late, and I believe that Lord Willian Bentinck now considers this a subject of regret.
I will not recapitulate the contents of my letters of June and July. You are aware that Lord William Ben: tinck finding that it was intended to introduce a partial measure, moved for the appointment of the select committee. I have stated that some of its members were averse to the comprehensive plan, and Sir John Hobhouse having failed in his efforts with the Court of Directors took the advers side also and carried his party with him. The consequence was that the affair was nearly stangled in its commenceueni, and nothing but the in: domitable perseverance of Lord William Bentinck and Mr. Mullins prevented the committee separating immediately atter Sir John Hobhouse's evidence had been heard, without hearing any more or making any report.
On the prospects of the question | will not now
plan. As I compromised no principle and endangered Hointerest of my constitutions, I thought, and still think. that I was acting prudently. I pressed the holding of public meetings though, opposed by authority, but it would have been foolish to contend with authority upon a point which by the course of events was so rapidly becoming one of no practical importance.
I need not mention that my public exertions, have
speculate. Lori William intends to bring it forward, and in a future Parliament, as it is now so generally understood that he will have abundant aid fon without and I trust it is unneces-ary for me to assure you of my unceas. ing exertions to promote it. I am truly happy in being able to add that Lord William has repeatedly expressed his sense of my services, and his entire approbation of the measure which I have throughout adopted ; and I need
formed, but a very small part of my labours in the not I trust add, that my best exertions will be at the com:
with an impression , was, likely to be male, and is rejoice to know that these efforts have not been without effect.
The letters from the treasury and from Sir John Hob. house to the court, shew, that the comprehensive plan i... made is way with the Ministers of Her Majesty's Government. It was not equally successful elsewhere, and the arrangement made may be regarded as a com: promise.
It seems clear that the Court of Directors would not at present yield more, and it may be presumed that Sir join Hobiouse abstained from pressing the matter, furin...iest he should risk that portion of it which has been gained. The danger of the question being lost altogether,
cause." No channel has been neglected through mand of the fiends of the comprehensive plan, and I
shall co-operate in completing the object in view as zealously as I have thus far added its progress.
Afer being compelled to say so much of myself it is delightful to have to bear testimony to the merits of others, and I am bound to say that I feel it quite impossible to render justice to the valuable services of Mr. Tutton, and to the zeal with which he has served the cause ever since his arrival in this country.
In reviewing my own proceedings, I feel that I have acted to the best of my judgment, I mean of my present judgment as well as of my judgment at the time the different transactions took place, and had I the same duty to perform again, I would take the same course ; our tactics in this country are necessarily different from those of India.
is apparent from Mr Melvill's evidenre.