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most solemn treaties, and for venturing to dream they might yet be tree ? They have failed for a time, and naisery has invaded their healths; but the spirit of that face is yet unbroken and the hour of leu (bution will surely come. It cannot be, that the moan of the widowed mother, —the cry of the fatherless child, or the groan of the patriot, calling in dying agony on his fellowmen to avenge his death, on his God to save his country, will have ascended to Heaven in vain ' The hour will yet arrive, when overg own, bluated Russia, that cradle of treachely and despousm, shall pay in tears of agony and blood for the infamous wrongs she has heaped on Poland. ( Huch applause.) That the hour of reckoning is not far distant ; that Salmatia inay resume her proud place among nations, and justice be rendered to her chivalric but suffering sons, is the hope and wish of every true hearted Briton. Up then all classes, and with one healt and oue voice let us fervently unite in the patriot's toast—" The Regeneration of Puland.” ( Much enthusiastic cheering.)

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But ever while the struggle lasts it affords, if ever earthly events afforded it, an example and a warning to us in this country. The atrociues which have disunguished this fearful contest are the coatinual theine of Ilberty. Whence arise those atrocities : Again I maintain what I have but a short time since uphelu, that they have their original chiefly in that state of darkness in which the people of Spain and Portugal have been kept for centuries, until now when their eyes are openeu tuey cannot bear the light. I will put a question. Does any one believe that it by any stiange cuance, a Free 1’ress had been g afted on the insulutions of Spain in the days of Charles the Fifth, when the intellect of the nation was coin paratively young; –does any oue believe, 1 say, that in such a case une 1evolutions of the few past years, or at least what has been inost sea ful and deplorable in those revolutions, would have occurred in the uays of Ferdinand and Christiua ; in the days when the intellect of the nation has a liveu at in aluky in all but the first knowledge of a wholesome liverty The thing strikes me as a mere impossibility. Bloody revolutions are the offspring of grinding abuses,—of abuses even more fearful than the irantic elforts under which they perish. 13ut with a Free Press in Spain and Portugal exposing abuses from the days of Charles the Fifth, there coulu have been few or none to overthrow in the days of the two queens who now reign in those lands. Is not this a warning and a lesson to us in India? But the night wears and I will not allow myself to dilate upon it; I will only call upon you to drink, with the honor my toast assuredly deserves, “The cause of Constitutional Liberty of Spain and Portugal.” (Cheers.)

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I had hoped that I might be permitted to remain a quiet spectator, a sympathizing listener on this occasion; for though second to no one in the sincerity and warmth of feeling due to it, yet I could have preferred for several reasons giving a silent vote, but one from the bottom of my heart, for the continuance,—the permanent duration of the inesumable boon which we owe to that great and good man, whose presence conters such a deep interest upon, and 1 may add stamps with a character of solemn parting tenderuess, this eve of civic commemoratlou.

But it may not be; our chairman (who with such rare felicity fulfils his task) has issued his mandate that 1 should speak, and deeming as I do cheerful obedience to all just beliests of the ruling powers, and a proper respect for constituted authorities, the very basis upon which genuine and rational freedom rests, I bow to the wish of our president. Let me not, however, be misunderstood ; no lurking or unmaniy timidity as to consequences, no to imming hesitation in declaring openly and freely my honest opinions when decorously expressed (for such s hold to be my inalienable birthright, of which no man can legally deprive me), – I say that no such unworthy feeling entered into the reasons that inclined me to be a listener rather than a speaker here, but a downright diifidence of myself, a grave doubt, a doubt which still oppresses me, of my own power, (all unprepared as I am and more especially at such a late hour in the evening) to do justice to the toast which I hold in my hand. I appeal to yourselves, gentlenen, if I had not just reason to shrink from the soulewhat formidable task of proposing a toast, couprising such a m guitude of interests, such boundleso potentiality of good, such sublime aspirations of hope for the well-being of universal man as Constitutionel freedom and civil religious liberty all over the world ! Do I suppose that there is one person in the room, nay in this great city, who would object to drink that toast ! No, certainly, I cannot imagine such a thing possible; I may as readily conceive the weary sojourner in the parched wilderness of this life, preferring the bitter pools of Marah to refreshing draughts from the living lock of Truth ! And yet when I look around me, numerous and respectable as this assembly is, I miss many whom I regret not to see among us... Why is this? They differ from us perhaps in mere shades of opinion; and yet I can scarcely conceive but they must concur in the same conclusion, that I am sure all here have arrived at, that constituuonal freedom, as civil and religious liberty, cannot co-exist along with a gagged Press. lie that as it may, the a arch of improvement will on, and the time may coine when they will, perhaps, be suiry for having absented themselves this evening, lin iny own case, 1 rankly contess that I should consider myself a recreant to a noble cause if I had not attended, not merely from respect to the cause itself but from my esteem and affection for the lieb Ratof. (Cheers.) I fear, at this protracted hour, after so many billiant land excellent speeches, to trespass long upon your indulgence, but sor this circumstance I should have taken a wide range (for this I might freely claim for the nature of my toast), and have glanced at a far gone epoch when civil and religious liberty were but obscurely understood, inadequately secured, and little practised. Tell me of a country where civil and religious liberty are not under the guardianship of a Free Press, and I will reply, that though mere animal happiness may be found there, yet in that country shall you find no high tone of moral enlightenment; no masculine consis.ence of character; no intellectual greatness (...heers.) Taking no advantage of the all-over the-world freedom of my toast, did time permit, I might have carried you to Consular Rome. I inight have asked of you if she was not continually moulded to their own selfish purposes by haughty ironwilled aristocrats, glozing, wily orators, and factious demagoges, the people having no Free Press to open their eyes to their true interests, or to keep them broad awake to their own lights? I should then perhaps have carried you to Imperial Rome–and treated you to sundry school boy reminiscenes and historical clap-traps. I should have demonstrated to you that where there is no Free Press, public opinion must be a nonentity; for that which is tongueless, bound, and fettered, despotism sees not, hears not, fears not, feels not, until some enthusiast's dagger or the drugged cup of death gives the first dreadful hint to that tyrant, that he has gone too far ! I should have edified you with strictures on the dire cruelties, the measureless flagitiousness, the monstrous crimes, the gigantic vices, of the masters of the great Babylon and their creatures ; I should have rung the changes on sundry Gibboniasms, and endeavour to follow them with illustrations of my own, proving as I went along that these horrors mainly emanated ion the want of a Free Press. . I should have refreshed your recollection with the sayings and doings of the dark unrelenting Tiberius– the mad Caligula—the stupid Claudibus—the cruel Nero, the beastly Vitellius—the timid, inhuman Domitian and other sons of Belial, whose names have come down through the lapse of ages giving to the moral sense the perception of an oppressive sickening taint of foulest corruption, as hideous as the pestilential vapour of the burning lake of Sodom and Gomorrha :

I should then have taken a bound and alighted in merry England. Do you wish to know how she ared when she had no letters, no liberty of the Press I content myself with a simple fact recorded by a writer of those times of one of the not worst of her Kings, (albeit he was rather stingy) Henry VII., in whose reign, the gallows was emphatically said to have devoured one hundred thousand souls! Think of that ; there was no Free Press to suggest turning these poor wretches to better account than hanging. Bear in mind that they fell not fighting in battle for their country, -that they were not swallowed up in tempests by the roaring ocean, or swept off even by famine or pestilence. No ; they were devoured by the gibbet !

Had time further permitted, I should have asked you if many a deed of blood and violence of which England was the scene, would have taken place had there been a Free Press? Whether the executions and the massacre that throughout Europe gave a red glare to the dawning of the retormation would have occurred with even a limitedly Free Press, or at least whether they would not have been greatly modified by that controlling power 3 I should have applied the same reasoning to the fightful massacre of St. Bartholomew and the base revocation of the edict of Nantz. But these things some objector will tell me were done by Catholics! I say that they were done by ignorant and furious men and not by Catholics, because they were Catholics. That they were the doings of a dark and sternage when men were grossly ignorant, tremblingly fearful, and erassidly superstitious, for nothing is so cruel as bigotry and suspicion in their hour of power. He who with impartial eye scans history will not bandy recriminations with his erring brother Christian, for be it borne in mind, that Protestants too, in their hour of ascendancy, could be suspicious, oppressive and cruel in their turn, as witness certain acts in the time of Elizabeth, and certain doings in England and Ire. land that followed in the times of succeeding sovereigns, of the tyrant Stuart dynasty. Oh! no. Both parties, as respected these unhappy proceeding of days past away, should forget and forgive, and like Lockitt and Peachum in the play, shake hands saying “Brother, brother! we are both in the wrong.” What I would have asked brought Charles I to the block but the want of a Frce press I should have also given the usual touch in the bye-going to the cause for which Hampden bled in the field, and Sydney and Russell on the scaffold, and have summed up with the glorious revolution of 1588. Linking the whole as I went along with the liberty of the

to France and called at court during the reign of Louis the XIV., Louis the XV. and the Regency of Orleans. Oh! times of shame and overwhelming iniquity, when it was considered distinction by families calling themselves noble, a brilliant distinction, to have a lovely female of their house a king's harlot; when high ecclesiastics and ministers of religion, professing to be servants of the God of purity and holiness, cringed at the levees of unblushing courtezans; and when soul dishonour, and festering corruption polluted the depths of the fountains of social intercourse, bringing disgrace to every hearth; a monstrous perversion of manners big with lurid horrors to come, but which would have been checked or neutralized by the energy and corrective vigor of a Free Press.

But let us pause ! Many of us view war and pestilence, tempest and earthquake, as special effects, and resulting from an over-ruling first cause. Shall we recognize the Eternal, who though he be the just, is also the merciful, Shall we recognize the om

nipotent only in movements of chastisement and terror Oh, be sure that whatever of the blessings

of peace and freedom we enjoy, we derive from that everlasting first cause whose essence is love, and who works all second causes to fulfil the councils of his holy will ' So believing, am I extravagant in viewing the freedom of the Press bestowed on us by our late beloved ruler (God bl ss him for the act () as the gift of Providence 2 And do I not exceedingly value it, so considering it - and do you not all 3 To be sure I have heard some sinister reports respecting its abrogation ; but I do not believe them. While a reform ministry is in power—while a reformer, aye, an ultra reformer, as I remember, presides at the l ndia Board —while a liberal statesman sits in the chair of India direction, and while a reformer, and a reforming member of the council of India is on his way to watch over the cradle of our young freedom in England —while, I say, Mr. Macaulay, a staunch and declared friend of the liberty of the Press, lives to speak and write for us– and above all, while we have the liberator of the India Press to be an advocate for us in our dear and common country to which he is about to return, and where I hope he will turn the powers of his masculine understanding and great experience to public account— I for one have no fear respecting the freedom of the Prees. We have now substantially enjoyed this blessing for several years – under one ruler by sufferance, under another (our distinguished guest) by a free will grant 2 The large, respectable, and brilliant meeting of this night, I hail of itself a proof that the benefit is properly appreciated, where is there any good reason why it should be cancelled. While I can legally and without impropriety do so, I avail myself of the opportunity to declare, that I feel convinced it has done, and is effecting a great deal of good. The cause of education and the general enlightenment, no less than of good and neighbourly feeling between native and Europeans, has made a more rapid progress within the short period that the Press has been free, than for many years before. I firmly believe that the repeal of this liberty would be a serious evil, for independent of the side lights that may be derived by authority from the working of the Press, I am convinced that it possesses in itself a latent power—a sovereign virtue of great force, from protecting the lieges in a variety of indefinite ways, for assuaging “the insolence of office, the law's delay and the spurns that patient merit of the unworthy takes,” and curbing household and neighbour tyranny, and for ameliorating general demeanor and conduct. Depend upon it, that many a choleric man in his ire, and many a quarrelsome one in the effervesence of his ill humour, holds back his hand, when he recollects that there is Mr. Stocqueler over the way or Mr. Smith and bethinks him twice how he indulges in undue violence or wrong. But let not out

Press, or rather its enslavement! And be assured, (for I had nearly forgotten it), that I would have paid a visit

appreciation of the blessings of a Free Press evaporate amongst the wine cups. Show that you truly value it,

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W. P. GRANT Esq.-Gentlemen ; I am about to propose to you a toast that I have great satisfaction in giving, and it is one I have no doubt will be drank with great enthusiasm The Trades of Calcutta, I am sure they are a very useful body, and the countly should be greatly indebted to them. ... I confess, I conceive that any man who induces a Hindoo to stoop to put his foot into a neat's leather, does service to society; and I am sure that he who prevails upon a Mahomedan to bestride a saddle made of the skin of the unclean beast, deserves the thanks of the community. Gentlemen ; I give you the trades of Calcutta and success to those trades.

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Willi AM Spien, Esq. – Gentlemen; in addressing you on the subject of steam navigation, I shall at this late hour make but few observations, being satisfied that it has your best wishes. Already we experience its advantages in the regularity and rapidity with which the late mails have been received from and transmitted to England ; but we regard steam savigation in a broader light, we look upon it as in America, peopling her rivers with life and energy, and bringing into connexon the distant points of her immense territory. We anticipate the same results for India; nay, more, we anticipate steam navigation as traversing the globe, connecting together distant nations, facilitating the intercommunication of thought, and giving a new impetus to the growing improvement of mankind. (Cheers.) When we look back upon the history of our race, we cannot but be struck with the vast strides which have been made during the two preceding centuries, by which the earlier world has been left at an immeasurable distance. On adverting to the causes of such rapid progress, we find the Press in conspicuous operation, (Cheers.) the science of chemistry also, giving new powers to man, -powers so amazing, as to be almost apalling. Commerce has done much in promoting civilization, and last of all, in steam navigation, a new principle is coming into play, and giving a fresh impulse to the world : by it nations, the most dissimilar in character are being brought into approximation ; the ignorant with the enlightened, the barbarous with the civilized, the cowardly and enslaved with the bold and the free. Individual efforts may fail ; the plans of public bodies may be paralyzed ; but these mighty agencies bear irresistibly onward, and carry with them the advancement of the human race. (Cheers.)

To those reflecting on this advancement, it is cheering to remark, that these great general causes of improvement are yet in their infancy : commerce, chemistry, and steam navigation are but commencing ;-the Press, if we observe its condition in most countries, is not yet Free ; some unaccountable influence pervading the ilret still wraps it in swaddling bands,--some demon of hwae still holds the gigantic infant in his grasp, but good

and noble minded men have unloosened, and are unloosening its bands—and it will be free!

I will only mention in conclusion, that no one can have regarded the state of this country-no one can have listened to the appeal we have just heard on the enlightenment of its inhabitants, without wishing prosperity to steam navigation, and to every means of communicating knowledge and improvement to India. (Cheers.)

Air – “When Vulcan forged the bolts of Jove.”

Vice Cusin MAN.—Gentlemen ; “Justice for Ireland '" I will not be confined afar of behind my very remote Vice Presidential table. No ; I will come forward, as I hope the subject of my toast will come forward, into the midst of you and cly “Justice for Ireland " (Much cheering.) Ireland one might have thonght, had already suffered under every variety of injustice which a nation could endure; but no the poisoned chalice is not yet

exhaused, and another act of injustice has recentl
been hit upon of so strange a nature that I wonder it
has not excited more univeral attention. Whenever
any liberal measure has been carried under any admi-
mistration since the passing of the Reform Bill the cry
enemy, may of imany from whom one would expect better
lso has been, “Oh, that was carried by the Irish
Members!" In the name of Heaven what insanity, what
tom-foolery is this! What do people mean by Irish
members I know of no Irish members, no Scotch
members, no English members ; I know only of the Bri-
tish members of the Imperial Parliament, the great
council of the British people. (Cheers.) But the cr
of “ Irish members” of “O’Connell and his tail,”
and a thousand such absurdities, have gone through
England and the same buffaloish, gullable peo-
ple, my own countrymen, though they be, whom
1 found trembling in 1827 lest some half million
of quiet English Catholics should rise up and massarce,
and burn, put into thumb screws the entire English and
Scottish nations, I now find crying out against every
liberal measure that it is carried by “ the Irish mem-
bers." Shame on this folly. Hither the union with
Ireland is an union in substance as well as form, or it
is not. If it is, then are there no Irish members,
all are British members of the Imperial Parlia-
ment. If it is not, for God's sake dissolve the
union and let the Irish people legislate for themselves.
(Cheers.) For own my part I shall never think justice
done to Ireland until every tittle of right, every privi-
lege, every atom of freedom, every form of municipal
and local and general Government, is as fully establish-
el and as fairly administered in Ireland as in the Irish
kingdom. This is the last toast on record for the even-
ing; were the words the last I should ever utter in
this hall they should be “Justice for Ireland.” (Much
and long continued cheering.)
Air—“Erin go Bragh, and Patrick's day.”
The CHAIRMAN.—Gentlemen; Mr. Parker has just
proposed to you the toast of “Justice to Ireland,” and
admirably and energetically has he depicted the qualities
and capabilties of that fine nation which lies on the
western shores of Britain. But there is another nation
on our western shore more distant in situation, but not
less nearly allied, which may be well called the child of
England. They themselves term us the old or parent
country, and well may we be proud of having such
descendants. From us they have sprung, with us they
inherit the love of liberty, the attachment to enterprize ;
while in the pursuit of all of what a nation should be
proud, England has met with a forward rival in America.
(Cheering.) She alone of all other states has rivalled us
in arts, in literature, in commerce, in wealth, in indepen-
dence, in gigantic strides towards national power, and
fiercely and bravely has she battled with us on the ocean
—our own—peculiar element.(Mr. Clarke stopped here
for a short time, and then added.) I wished and ought to
have said much more, but I have lost my voice from exerting

it in filling this large hall; I must therefore apologize, and conclude with a toast which needs no recommendation to such enthusiastic lovers of freedom, prosperity gentlemen, to the United States of America. (Lond and prolonged cheers.)

DR. Huffs AGle.—I wish, gentlemen, for your satisfaction, that some one else was present to claim an American birthright ; as the pleasing duty, however, devolves upon me, accept my sincere acknowledge. ments. It is hardly necessary to remark that in celebrating an event of such vital importance as that which you have met this evening to commemorate, you would have the hearty concurrence of every American. It has ever been the policy of the United States to facilitate the distribution of public journals, and their circulation there, is perhaps, much more extensive than in any other country; every man in America takes direct interest in political affairs, and every act of Goverment must daily pass under the public eye. We depend upon the diffusion of knowledge among our citizens for the security of our institutions, and we regard as our protecting “AEgis" the Liberty of the Press (Cheers.) I will not detain you, gentlemen, but while offering you assurances that your friendly feelings are cordially reciprocated, allow me to observe, that when the line of communication, by means of steam vessels over the western waters shall have been established, our respective nations will be brought comparatively close to each other. The reign of prejudice must then cease— the bounds of amity and relationship between Great Bri. tain and America which must be strengthened, and the Atlantic which rolls between them must for ever prove a Pacific Ocean. (Loud cheers.)

John GRANT Esq.-Gentlemen ; you have already drank to Sir. Charles Metcalfe as the Liberater of the India . Press; I now call upon you to drink to him again not as the liberator of the India Press, but as Sir Charles Metcalfe, one of the brightest oinaments of his age. (Much cheering).

Sin. Cn Antes Metcalff.-Gentlemen, will you do me the favor to fill your glasses to drink to a toast I am about to propose. I give you, gentlemen, with the greatest pleasure, the healths of the talented chair. man and stewards. (Cheers.) Before taking my leave of you this evening, I cannot refrain from expressing my full concurrence in the various sentiments expressed by the several talented speakers ; and from the eloquence, independence and high manly spirit display. ed, I look upon the proceedings of this meeting, as one of the greatest importance. (Cheers.) As far as these proceedings relate to myself, I will ever most fondly cherish the recollection of them ; and consider this evening as one of the proudest moments of my existence; (Cheers.) and wherever 1 may pass the rest of my life it shall be my endeavour, in all my future acts and career, to preserve the good opinion, and to continue to merit the degree of estimation which has been expressed for, and shown to me by wou all, on so memorable an occasion as the present. (Much cheering.) Gentlemen, I give you the healths of our tolented Chairman and Stewards. ( Drank with much cheering.)

The Chairman returned thanks.

About a quarter to one A. M. Sir Charles retired, and the greater part of the party, shortly afterwards, followed his example.

A knot of the party, cdmprising Messrs. Clarke, Leith, Stocqueler, Scott Thomson, Captain Forbes, Captain Harrington, Capt. Vint, Dr. Grant, &c. &c. then took to the high table, and with the help of devilled turkies and champaigne, spun out another hour—one of the “wee short” ones. During this period, Mr. Thomson proposed the health of “Capt. Williams, of the St. George, and a prosperous voyage to the ship that bears Sir Charles | Metcalfe.” Mr. Stocqueler proposed the healths of Messrs. Turton and David Hare, and numerous others were drank until the festival was considered complete.— Hurkaru, February 12.

DINNER TO SIR. C. T. METCALFE.

About eight the company, which consisted of nearly 200 persons, having assembled, two of the stewards stood before the open door of the dining hall, to prevent any one entering it before Sir Charles, who was conducted to it by Sir J.P. Grant, the president, and the other stewards. After Sir Charles had entered the hall, the rush to obtain admittance was really so great that

those who were in the midst of the throng were involunSir Charles appeared to be in per

tarily borne forward. fect health, and not in the least fatigued by having kept up the previous evening at the Press dinner.

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he had the honor of proposing Her Majesty's health. Her Majesty had been called at a tender age to administer the affairs of a great nation, under the advice of able. and experienced Ministers: but these Ministers were of her own choosing. Modesty, prudence, and firmness had already marked Her Majesty's early career, and there was every measure to hope that she would always sustain The toast was drank with enthusias

such a character. tic cheers.

The health of the Queen Dowager was next given from the chair, and drank with all the honors.

In giving the health of the Duke of Sussex and Royal Family, the president alverted to the personal feelings of gratitude he entertained towards that branch of the family, arising from early associations.

Drank with the usual honors and much cheering. The Governor-General of India in Council was next toasted with all the honors.

The health of Sir Charles Matcalfe was proposed by the president in a most eloquent speech, of which the | following is a rough sketch. After some preliminary remarks, he said, that it was now about three years since he had the honor of occupying a similar position to the present in this place, except that on that occasion he had to wish Sir Charles a safe passage over the waters of the Ganges ; but that now the -ame wish must be expressed in regard to the boisterous ocean. They had not met to consider the conduct of Sir Charles when he acted as the vice president, nor as the Governor General, nor as the Lieutenant Governor of the north western provinces. His conduct was well known to every class of the community, and each man would express his opinion on it. His conduct would be decided upon by the public, to whose judgment Sir Charles was too honest a man not to submit. They had assembled in order to bear testimony to his private character; to express their sense of his conduct in all the social relations of life. They had assembled to bear testimony to the fidelity and the other virtues he possessed. They had assembled to bear testimony to that kind indulgence with which he always looked upon the failings of others, whilst himself practised the highest virtues. In short, they had assembled to bear testimony to the great excellence of his character, not as a statesman, but as a man. (Deafening and continued cheers.) Every society of which he had been a member had been promoted, and every individual who approached him in distress received relief. His munificence to every institution in the establishment for the happiness of man was well known. To every one he extended his assistance in relieving his distress to the utmost of his power. These things could not be recollected without considering Sir Charles as one of the best friends of this country; one whose memory should be cherished in the bosom of every man. He wished Sir Charles a safe voyage to England, a happy meeting with his friends, and a long life to enjoy the well earned honors he carries with him. (Deafening cheers repeated.)

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MR. H.M. Pankrr.—He was sure there was not one in the room who would not readily lay down his life for the fair sex; yet it was strange that no one had arisen to speak for them. He would, therefore, try the experiment, though all the oratory he was master of could not come near the eloquence of their eyes. After a few more humourous observations, which we could not catch, owing to the great distance at which we sat from the speaker, he concluded by wishing the Ladies of Calcutta, health, happiness, and all the blessings that can follow.

The president would now rise to propose the he thi, of a body to whom India, like other countries, owed her prosperity. Commerce was the cause of mutual inter. course between the different separated branches of the family of man, and of their civilization. In this city there were two great names connected with commerce, one a European and the other a Hindoo, who would have been here if business had not prevented. He meant Mr. Cockerell and Dwarkanath Tagore. One who had brought his wealth to this country from England ; and the other, though a Hindoo by birth, was possessed of the intelligence and notions of Europe, and had established an agency house. He could not pass over the name of this noble individual, without alluding to his late munificent donation to the District Charitable Society. The president hoped that all the natives as well as Europeans, would follow his example. I had he been in Calcutta, the president was sure he would have joined the company in celebrating such an occasion.

Aster a pause of some minutes, Mr. Johnstone sung the well-known national song—“Auld Lang syne.”

Success to steam communication between India and England was then given from the president, who adverted to the exertions of Lord William Bentinck in this behalf, as one of the instances of that nobleman's devotion to the cause of this country and its future promotion. Commerce, he said, was the bond of union between distant nations, and steam navigation formed a part of the means of carrying it on. He recommended unity among the supporters of the scheme, and that dif. ferences should be set aside in this great undertaking. In conclusion, he proposed the health of Lord William Bentinck, and the firm establishment of steam communication. – Drank with loud cheers.

Sir Edward Ryan said, that as Mr. Parker had set the example of returning thanks for the ladies, he would do the same for the steam communication. He had always been an advocate for steam communiaction in India. His honourable friend, the president, had not, however, explained whether he meant the success of a small experiment, or the establishment of a general system which would open a communication between England and all the three presidencies of India. From the allusion to the exertions of Lord Bentinck in this regard, which were directed to the general scheme, he however concluded, that the toast must mean that, and in that sense he would acknowledge the compliment. He was glad to observe the question of steam introduced into meetings of this kind, for by constant agitation he thought every thing could be gained.

The Marquess of Wellesley was the next toast given from the chair. This was an appropriate toast for the occasion, in consequence of the friendship that subsisted between Sir Charles Metcalfe and his Lordship, whose conduct in India had now become a matter of history. There was, however, no man who had done more good to this country than his Lordship. The improvements made to this town were among the proofs of his exertions. But the greatest benefit he had done was to introduce Sir Charles Metcalfe into the Indian service.

Drank with all the honours.

The Duke of Wellington.—On the political opinions of the Duke, the president would offer no opinion. The military achievements of his grace were well known to all, and also that this was the country in which he was bred to the use of arms. Drank with all the honors.

There was no subject, said the president, which could interest those who came to this country from England more than the improvement of the natives, a cause in which Sir Charles had laboured with others. He gave the advancement of the natives of lndia in civilization, and their improvement in knowledge and morals. Drank as usual.

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