the Bill of Rights stated that standing armies were on no account to be kept up without the consent of Parliament, it had not anticipated the time that Parliaments could be brought to consent to any thing that the King's Ministers should require. At the time in which the Bill of Rights was passed, a standing army was conceiv very truly, that these abuses arise from the imperfect state of our Parliamentary representation. I am fully convinced, that there is not, at the present moment, any subject worthy of engaging the serious attention of the English nation, except the necessity of a Reform in Parliament. This sentiment has been always entertained and always avowed by me, and I do flattered so unconstitutional, and so dangerous myself that it was this sentiment which first recommended me to your notice. We have heard of late of a great many Commissions and Boards of Inquiry, to consider about the growing abuses of Administration; but how does it happen, that, with all their inquiries and all their discoveries, none of the public peculators have been brought to punishment? (Loud applause.) They may bring forward Commission after Commission, and Act of Parliament after Act of Parliament, and yet peculation goes on, and the authors of it are not punished. Instead of the guilty being punished, all manner of imputations are always thrown upon those who detect their guilt. The Chancellor of the Exchequer has lately brought in one of those Bills. If my health had allowed me to have been in the House at the time, I should have certainly opposed the introduction of it. I should have objected to that or any other sham and ridiculous plan, which professed what it was evidently impossible that it could accomplish. Of Bills of this sort we have abundance. Lord Melville himself brought in a Bill to prevent corruption in his office, and it was afterwards found that this Bill was so ingeniously worded, that it did not apply to his particular case. You have had persons of all ranks and degrees in life brought to the Bar of the House of Commons, from the high rank of the person who was the subject of the late inquiry, down to the governor of the prison at Cold-bath-fields; and yet, was there an instance of any one of them having been punished? You have already Bills enough to prevent those abuses; but the Bills are a mere dead letter, and the abuses still continue, and are perpetually increasing. You have now upon your Statute-book the Bill of Rights, which was expressly calculated for the prevention of such abuses; and yet this Bill is no longer a protection to the country, for the abuses continue. If the family of the Stuarts had but possessed that knowledge which every body possesses now, the knowledge of managing a Parliament, they never would have been expelled the throne of this country. When to civil liberty, that it was not supposed that Parliament could grant it, except on some case of great emergency. It was a distinct charge against James II. that he kept up a standing army contrary to law; but if he had known the modern art of managing a Parliament, that and much more could have easily been done according to law. What, however, is the most cruel and afflicting consideration is, that that very body to which the people should naturally look up as its protector from those abuses, has become the principal cause of them. So far from the House of Commons representing the sense of the people of England, I have ever found, since I have been a Member of the House of Commons, that the most popular sentiment which can be expressed in that place, is a sentiment of contempt for the people of England, whose Representatives they still profess to be. I do believe that the House of Commons is the only spot in all the world, where the people of England are spoken of with contempt. There they are calumniated, there the character of Englishmen is spoken lightly of, and their opinion and feelings set at nought. If this circumstance does not shew you the necessity of Parliamentary Reform, there is nothing that I can say (were I speaking till night) which could convince you. Among those Bills, of which I have been speaking, there is one which is called Magna Charta. This has now grown almost obsolete, and was certainly never mentioned in the Courts of Law. By this law no man was to be imprisoned, except by the course of law. There was no exception in favour of Attorney-Generals granting their informations ex officio, and having the King's subjects imprisoned contrary to the due course of law. We had an Habeas Corpus Act too, but our ancestors had not calculated on its being suspended, whenever Ministers should ask Parliament so to do. If those laws are now permitted to remain on our Statute Book, they only stand to shew us in what a degrading situation we are now placed, and from what an eminence we have fallen. It is now high time that the country should call for such a reform as will give us a House of Commons really looking to the interests of the people, and not to the emoluments which are to be derived from the favour of the Crown. (Loud applauses.) "There is another sentiment which I feel it necessary for me to express, and in which I differ from many persons. I have heard that spirit much applauded which induces the nobility and gentry of this country to turn farmers, and give their principal attention to the cultivation of their estates. Now it appears to me that it forebodes no good to the country, in its present critical situation, to see those who ought to be considered as its natural defenders, desert its cause at such a time as this, indifferent about those abuses which may lead to its utter destruction, and anxious about fattening sheep and oxen. These cares are in themselves very proper; but they should be only of secondary importance to those whose rank and consideration should rather call them to rescue their country from oppression, than to spend their lives, and devote their whole minds to the consideration of the best manner of fattening cattle. "I would really wish that those Noblemen and Gentlemen would learn how dangerous it is to them and to the security of their property, to be neglectful of the situation of the country in general. If the country is lost, what will become of their properties? I do really believe that if bet ter measures of defence for the country are not provided, the country will be lost. If, then, some General Junot or Duke of Abrantes becomes the master of it, perhaps indeed these Noblemen or Gentlemen may be still allowed to follow their agricultural experiments (only accounting to him for the profits), and he may be obliged to them for their diligence, and pleased with the discoveries they may make. (Laughter and applauses.) I see but two measures for the salvation of the country. The first is, to get rid of that intolerable grinding corruption which devours the country, which has placed it in the state of the fabled Prometheus, who was chained to a rock, on whose liver a vulture was constantly preying, but which perpetually grew again. It was in this manner, that notwithstanding the sums which were lavished by corruption, the unexampled industry of the people of this country reproduced the means to supply the constant waste of this infernal corruption. (Loud applause.) "We hear perpetually of the wonder ful beauty and contrivance of the Constitution. Now, if we are to judge from the practice, we must suppose that it is a thing too beautiful to be made use of. The country is over-run with numerous taxgatherers (armed with excessive powers), besides supervisors, and a number of other revenue-officers, whose titles I do not recollect, but who swarm over the face of the land like insects on the banks of the Nile, and, like them, raised and fattened by corruption. The Bill of the Chancellor of the Exchequer will, like other Bills, be soon a dead letter. Need I mention to you the conduct of Judges, who, for offences committed and tried in this city, send men for years to Dorchester Jail, and to solitary imprisonment? Need I describe to you the horrible cruelty of the punishment of solitary imprisonment? The day that introduced that system into England should stand 'For aye accursed in the calendar.' Do you think, however, that such things are to be remedied by any Bills to be brought in to prevent Judges from acting in this manner? No: they would be effectually prevented by an honest House of Commons, who would call to account Judges, or any other public officers that should abuse the trust reposed in them. Without a House of Commons which really represents the people of England, the country is like a ship without a rudder, which, however it may appear upon the water, is in perpetual danger of shipwreck. We may remember an instance some years ago, of a youth, about 16 or 17 years of age (Mr. Le Maitre), being sent to solitary imprisonment, where he was left for near seven years, without being brought to trial. He had been charged with intending to kill the King, by blowing some thing out of a reed. It was generally called the Pop-gun Plot; and yet when it was recollected that upon a charge which was probably void of all foundation as well as probability, a man was kept in solitary imprisonment seven years without a trial, I must ask what is the use of Magna Charta, or the Habeas Corpus Bill, or any other Bill which a corrupt House of Commons will permit the Minister to suspend at his pleasure? The abuses of which we complain proceed directly from the corruption which has taken root in the whole system of our Government. Where the source is corrupt, the streams cannot be pure. Where corruption has fastened in the root, it will be discovered in the fruits other conspiracy existing, except a conspiracy against every honest man that shall have the boldness to point out guilt, and to endeavour to remedy abuses. Some persons talk a great deal of the danger of popular influence: I would be glad, however, that they would lay their hand on the map of Europe, and point out any one country that has ever been destroyed by the prevalence of popular influence. It is easy to point out those which have been destroyed from their Governments being inattentive to the wishes and wants of the Peo of the tree. Those abuses have arrived to so flagrant a pitch, that even the friends of that system thought it necessary to have commissions and inquiries instituted for the purpose of pruning and dressing the tree which now produces such bitter fruit. This, however, is not our business; we must lay the axe to the root of the tree. (Loud applauses). Unless we destroy this hydra of corruption, it will destroy the country. The monster now stands, with harpy claws seizing on all our substance, to supply the means of its boundless prodigality. If this monster is not now sub-ple. I indeed will readily admit, that a dued and destroyed, England must, like many other nations, House of Commons, sitting in its judicial capacity, should not be governed by popular influence upon any other consideration but justice. I should be as much ashamed to have my vote as a judge biassed by any consideration, or whether I was to gain or lose popularity, as I would be to accept a bribe or any other corrupt consideration. The character of the people of this country is not for severity of punishment, not for running down any man by clamour, but they look for patient investigation, and above all for impartial justice, and for laws equally applied to all ranks and degrees. "Our constitution seems to be some thing like a partnership concern. There are three partners; the King, the Lords, and the Commons. Now what would be said of any common partnership, where one or two of the partners would take the "Lie at the proud feet of a conqueror." "This is then the task of the people of England, and what we have now to do. I hope this use will be made of the patriotic spirit which has been excited by Colonel Wardle. If it does not produce this effect, it will avail but little. If the people of England can be contented at the present moment to assemble merely for the purpose of saying how glad they are of the resignation of the Duke of York, then the country cannot be saved. I have, however, a better opinion of the people of this country, than to suppose that their hopes and expectations can be so limited. I am free to confess that it is my opinion, that a Parliamentary Reform is now absolutely necessary. If it can be obtained by quiet means, it will be a most fortunate circum-profits to themselves, but leave the full prostance, not only for the country but for the Government, for they are the most foolish and wicked advisers of the Crown, who advise the Sovereign to treat with scorn the wishes and opinions of the people. When Colonel Wardle brought forward his motion, he was immediately charged with being connected with a conspiracy. This is the common course of every scoundrel who is charged with any crime; he immediately turns about, and charges his accuser. It was, however, somewhat extraordinary, that these Gentlemen, who, with such a mass of evidence before them as was sufficient to convince every other person, could not yet be convinced of any impropriety in the Duke of York, should immediately, and without any evidence at all, find out that Colonel Wardle was a conspirator as soon as he had brought forward his accusation. Before he brought forward this accusation, he had a fair and unimpeached character, but now they tell you he is almost as bad as us Jacobins. (Loud laughter.) I can see no I hope that the nation has ceased to look portion of burden and risk to the other? What share now has the people of England in this firm? It is my hope and wish that they shall at length be restored to their share. (Loud applause.) I think nothing can be more improper or pernicious in its consequences, than the endeavour to couple the rest of the Royal Family with the transactions in which the Duke of York is concerned. The Duke of York should be tried for his own offences; but it is unfair as well as injurious to the country to involve others in that odium which only should belong to the guilty. If his Ma jesty has been obliged to accept the resig nation of the Duke of York, the affliction should not go farther. It puts me in mind of the advice given by Hamlet, when his mother complained: "O Hamlet, you have cleft my heart in twain !" The answer was, "Then throw away the worser part, "And live the purer with the other half." for any advantage from any change of ad- vived and confirmed by king Gustavus III. ministrations (cries of no, no, they are all the on the 9th of November, 1778, but that same.) We must look no more to parties, the other States, which, as usual, send Deand be assured that we never can expect puties, may observe the following order: any measures really useful, until the peo-From the Clergy are expected to appear ple of England have their proper share in the Archbishop, every Bishop from his the constitution of their country-(loud ap- Diocese, the first Pastor in Stockholm, toplauses.) As for me, I like this adminis-gether with so many from each Diocese tration just as well as any of the other ad- as usual, and of the other States, as many ministrations which have existed in this as usual, all provided with necessary letreign. I do not see that one of them has ters of deputation, in order that we may done more good than the other. I want be able to begin the Diet, and after its none of their places either for myself, or being fortunately finished, give you perfor my friends. I would be well content mission to return every one to his prothat they would keep their places, if they vince. Which every one must respectwould only do the country justice. But fully observe, and we are, &c. &c. my mind is fully impressed with the idea, that this justice will never be done until the people of England shall be fairly represented (as by the theory of the Constitution they ought to be) in the Commons House of Parliament." OFFICIAL PAPERS. Address of his Royal Highness the Duke of The His Royal Highness the Duke of Sudermania deems it right, and conformable to the duties of his high station, publicly to lay before the Swedish people, the motives REVOLUTION IN SWEDEN. and causes which produced the important Letters Patent and Proclamation of his Royal change, which has lately taken place in Highness the Duke of Sudermania, Regent the Government of this country. of the Swedish Kingdom, to all the Estates archives of the state contain a great varieof the Realm, concerning a General Dietty of documents, which will prove the neto be held on the 1st of May, in the present cessity of that measure, both to the preyear: Given at the King's Palace, at Stock- sent age and posterity.-For this long time holm, March 14th 1809. past the public opinion condemned a sysWe Charles, by the grace of God, as- tem of warfare, which so little suits a counsure you, Estates of the Realm, Counts, try, the commercial concerns of which Barons, Archbishops, Bishops, Nobles, claim that neutrality, which her fortunate Clergy, Burghers of Cities, and Commo-geographical situation, that seems to senalty, of our particular favour, gracious cure Sweden, demands, and which was intentions, and kind affection, under the sacrificed by the Government. As early protection of Almighty God.-Since we, as 1805, Sweden, joined by other Fowers, according to our gracious Proclamation of entered into a war with France, which the 13th instant, have found ourselves from local circumstances, was then, howcalled upon to take the reins of Govern-ever, confined to the loss of her trade ment as Regent, in order to save our beloved native country from unavoidable destruction, we have considered it of the highest importance to deliberate with the States of the Realm, upon the means which may procure and confirm the future happiness of the Swedish nation. We wish, therefore, and command that all the States of the Realm may assemble in the Capital of the Kingdom before the 1st of May next, and that not only the Nobility may regulate their conduct by the laws for the House of Nobles given on the 6th of June, 1626, by the king Gustavus Adolphus, of glorious memory, &c. and re with nearly all the States of Europe; a loss which, although not to be compared with that she has since sustained, was yet of great moment.-Soon after differences with Prussia arose, which, however, were not attended with consequences equally important. In 1807, the share which Sweden took in the coalition against France became momentous, and its influence on the dearest interests of the country more deirimental. Swedish Pomerania was occupied by foreign troops, and Stralsund besieged; yet one prospect of more fortunate times yet remained included. (To be continued.) LONDON:-Printed by T. C. HANSARD, Peterborough - Court, Fleet - Street; Published by R. BAGSHAW, Brydges - Street, Covent Garden :-Sold also by J. BUDD, Pall - Mall. VOL. XV. No. 15.] LONDON, SATURDAY, APRIL 15, 1809. [Price 18. "Your Lordship knows, that had I followed my own opinion, as a military man, I should have retired "with the army from Salamanca. The Spanish armies were then beaten; there was no Spanish force to "which we could unite, and I was satisfied that no efforts would be made to aid us, or to favour the "cause in which they were engaged.I was sensible, however, that the apathy and indifference of the "Spaniards would never have been believed; that had the British been withdrawn, the loss of the cause "would have been imputed to their retreat, and it was necessary to risk this army to convince the people " of England, as well as the rest of Europe, that the Spaniards had neither the power nor the inclination to "make any efforts for themselves. It was for this reason that I made the march to Sabagan. As a diver"sion, it succeeded: I brought the whole disposable force of the French against this army, and it has "been allowed to follow me, without a single movement being made to favour my retreat. The people "of the Gallicias, though armed, made no attempt to stop the passage of the French through the moun"tains. They abandoned their dwellings at our approach, drove away their carts, oxen, and every thing "that could be of the smallest aid to the army. The consequence has been, that our sick have been left "behind; and when our horses or mules failed, which on such marches, and through such a country, "was the case to a great extent, baggage, ammunition, stores, &c. and even money, were necessarily de"stroyed or abandoned."--SIR JOHN MOORE's Letter to Lord Castlereagh, dated Corunna, 13 Jan. 1809. 545] HAMPSHIRE MEETING. On Saturday, the 8th instant, the following Requisition was carried to Mr. BLACKBURN, the High Sheriff, by MR. COBBETT of Botley, and MR HOUGHTON of Durley. On Wednesday the 12th, the Sheriff transmitted to them his Notice for the Meeting, as it will be seen at the bottom of the signatures. To the High Sheriff of the County of SIR, SOUTHAMPTON. John Black Edward Toomer Thomas Nichols John Wilt..... Thomas Sutton.. Edward Houghton Giles Barnes....... William Twynam Winchester, 8th April, 1809. James Hayter We, the undersigned Freeholders and other Landholders of the County of South-William Biles ampton, request that you will be pleased to call a Meeting of the Inhabitants of this County, to be holden at Winchester, on such day as shall, at no great distance, be convenient to you, in order to afford us, and the Inhabitants of this County in general, an opportunity of publicly and formally giving our thanks to Gwyllym L. Wardle, Esq. M. P. for his upright and public-spirited conduct, during the recent Inquiry before the House of Com-William Agate.. John Sayer mons; and also of expressing our sentiH. Mulcock ments upon the subjects of that Inquiry. Joseph May.. William Cobbett William Powlett Powlett..... John Cotman Francis Godrich -[546 Rumsey. Southampton. Rumsey. Mitchesmarsh. Southampton. Kimbridge. Timsbury.. Braishfield. Brockenhurst. Eling. Eling. Southampton. Eling. Soberton. Soberton. Soberton. Droxford. Soberton. Hambledon. Tichborne. Benjamin Goodeve James Sharp Christopher Keele Samuel Phené. John Colson Joseph Jackson.. George Aldridge George Benson.................. S John Shoveller Wick. Ringwood. Portsmouth. Portsmouth. |