Page 210" of this government,"

If he does not mean himself here, it is not difficult to guess who the other character is marked out by this description.

Page 210" of what kind must it be?"

War was the suggestion, and is here repeated. This has no horrors when waged in favor of France, but dreadful even in thought when it is against her.

Page 297" decide in his case."

Mr. Fenwick was accused of covering by the American flag French money under false invoices, but Mr. M. could readily excuse this breach of faith in his office.

Page 313-"furnished lose its force."

England before the late treaty with the U. S. and France were different in their commercial relations with America.

Page 314-"than in precise terms;"

For the best reason imaginable; because none could be urged that had any weight in them.

Page 321" the United States have taken," Only in cases where the captors have contravened the treaty acting contrary to the laws of nations —or our own municipal laws.

Page 322- “prizes into those ports."

A single instance only of a prize being brought in is recollected, and against it a strong remonstrance was made; without prizes, ships of war are not restrained by the Treaty.

Page 322" executing their judgments."

No interruption has been given to this. To carry their own judgments into effect has constituted the difficulty, and in its nature it is nearly impossible to do it.

Page 322" certified by the consuls."

This is the French construction of the Act. The Judiciary of the U. S. interpret it otherwise; over whom the Executive have [sic] no control.

Page 322" safeguard of their flag."

This arrestation was for an offence committed against the law of nations and those of the U. S. and has been explained over and over again. See the Secty of State's Letter, 13th of June, p. 364.

Page 323 “merited an example."

What more could the U. S. do than was done? See the Secty of State's Letter, Sept. 14th, 1795, p. 292.

Page 323" least contested, of neutrality."

These are assertions upon false premises. Strange

indeed would it be if the U. S. could not make a treaty without the consent of the French Govt. when that treaty infracted no prior engagements, but expressly recognizes and confirms them.

Page 323-"the principles of neutrality?"

They have given nothing, but left those principles precisely upon the ground they stood [sic] before the Treaty; with some explanations favorable to the U. S. and not injurious to France. They have made nothing contraband, that was not contraband before;

nor was it in their power to obtain from G. B. a change, which the Armed Neutrality, (as it was called) could not when combined accomplish.

Page 345" and without delay."

How strangely inconsistent are his accounts!

Page 356-"most strict reciprocity."

From hence it follows, that if A makes a contract with B, and C will not make a similar contract with him, B will not be bound by his contract, although the cases are unconnected with eachother [sic].

Page 359"course of the present war."

All this he ought to have done, and was instructed to do in the beginning; and had it been urged with firmness and temperance, might have prevented the evils which have taken place since.

Page 359-"my duty would permit ;"

And a great deal more than his duty permitted.

Page 371

"the merit of this delay ;”

By implication he has done this in a variety of instances.

Page 371

"was the true cause of it."

That is, by not pressing the execution of the Treaty; and for compensation to our suffering citizens. This no doubt was accommodating and pleasing one party at the expense of the other.

Page 374" be passed by unnoticed."

Did France expect, that the U. S. could compel G. B. to relinquish this right under the law of nations, while [sic] the other maritime powers of Europe (as has been observed before), when combined for the purpose were unable to effect [sic]. Why then call

it an abandonment?

Page 377

"what they did avow."

This is all external and a flimsy covering of their designs. Why else send their emissaries through that country to inculcate different principles among the inhabitants, a fact that could be substantiated.

Page 390-"nations had sworn to.”

Yes, Citizen, and every one else who can read are [sic] acquainted with [sic] facts; and your violations of our rights under the Treaty prove (?) it also.

Page 391" be made through you."

The treatment of our minister, Gen' Pinckney, is a pretty evidence of this;The thot' [sic] of parting with Mr. Monroe was insupportable by them.

III.

SYNOPSIS OF MONROE'S PRESIDENTIAL MESSAGES.1

PRESIDENT MONROE's inaugural addresses and annual messages are of greater length than those of any of his predecessors. His fifteen special messages are almost all brief; one, however, that of May 4, 1822, on internal improvements, is of extraordinary length.

In his first inaugural address, delivered on March 5, 1817, he dwells upon the happy condition into which the country had been brought by the excellence of its political institutions and the bounty of Nature. Protection of its liberty and prosperity against dangers from within could be secured only by maintaining the excellence of the national character. To secure it against dangers from without, the coast and frontier defences, the army, the navy, but especially the militia, should be maintained in a state of efficiency. Attention is drawn to the advantages of developing the resources of the country and

1 The following summary of the speeches and messages of James Monroe, printed in the Statesman's Manual, has been prepared for insertion here by J. F. Jameson, Ph. D., of the Johns Hopkins University.