The Battel of

1601.

of the Day was, both by the Enemy and the Dutch themfelves, afcribed to the English; of whom Sir Francis Vere, in a private Commentary which he wrote of that Service, teftifies, that of fifteen hundred in Number; for they were no more; eight hundred were flain in the Field: and what is almost incredible, in a Day of Victory, of the remaining feven hundred, two Men only came off unhurt. Sir Francis Vere himself had the principal Honour of the Service; to whom the Prince of Orange tranfmitted the Direction of the Army for that Day; and in the next Place Sir Horace Vere, his Brother, who was the Principal in the active Part. The Service alfo of Sir Edward Cecil, Sir John Ogle, and diverse other brave Gentlemen, was eminent.

19. In the Year 1601, followed the Battel of King fale in Ireland. Kingfale, in By this Spanish Invafion of Ireland, which was in September that Year, one may guefs how long a Spaniard will live on Irish Ground; which is four Months at the most. For they had all the Advantages in the World; and no Man would have thought, confidering the fmall Forces employed against them, that they could have been driven out foon. They obtain'd, without Refiftance, in the End of September, the Town of King fale; a fmall Garrison, of one hundred and fifty English, leaving the Town upon the Spaniards Approach; and the Townfmen receiving the Foreigners as Friends. The Number of Spaniards that put themselves into King fale, was two thousand veteran Soldiers; under the Command of Don John d'Aquila, a Man of good Valour. The Town was strong of itself; neither wanted there any Industry to fortify it on all Parts, and make it tenable, according to the Skill and Discipline of the Spanish Fortification. At that time the Rebels were proud, being encouraged upon former Succeffes; for the then Deputy, the Lord Mountjoy, and Sir George Carew, President of Munster, had performed diverfe good Services to their Prejudice; yet the Defeat they had given the English at Black-water, not long before, and the Treaty with the Earl of Effex, was yet fresh in their Memory.

20. The Deputy loft no time, but made hafte to have recovered the Town before new Succours came, and fat down before it in October; and laid fiege to it three Winter Months or more: during which time, Sallies were made by the Spaniards; but they were beat back with Lofs. In January came fresh Succours from Spain; to the number of two thousand more, under the Conduct of Alonzo d' Ocampo. Upon the Comforts of thefe Succours, Tirone and Odonnell drew up their Forces together, to the number of feven thousand, befides the Spanish Regiments, and took the Field; refolved to relieve the Town, and to give the English Battel. Here then was the Cafe: an Army of English, of fome fix thoufand, wafted and tired with a long Winter's Siege, engaged in the midft, between an Army of a greater Number than themselves, fresh and in Vigour, on the one fide; and a Town strong in Fortification, and strong in Men, on the other. But what was the Event? This, that after the Irish and Spanish Forces had come on, and fhewed themselves in fome Bravery; they were content to give the English the Honour of charging them firft: and when

it

it came to the Charge, there appeared no difference between the Valour of the Irish Rebels, and the Spaniards; but that the one ran away before they were charged, and the other foon after.

21. Again, the Spaniards that were in the Town had fo well remember'd their Loffes, in their former Sallies, that the Confidence of an Army, which came for their Deliverance, could not draw them out again. There fucceeded an abfolute Victory for the English, with the Slaughter of above two thousand of the Enemy; the taking of nine Enfigns, whereof fix were Spanish; and the taking of the Spanish General, d'Ocampo, Prisoner and this with the Lofs of fo few of the English as is fcarce credible; being, as has been rather confidently than credibly reported, but of one Man, the Cornet of Sir Richard Greame; tho not a few hurt. There followed immediately after the Defeat, a Surrender of the Town by Capitulation; and not only fo, but an avoiding, by exprefs Articles of Treaty, of all other Spanish Forces throughout Ireland, from the Places and Nefts where they had fettled themselves in greater Strength than at Kingfale; which were Caftlehaven, Baltimore, and Beerehaven. Indeed they went away with found of Trumpet; for they did nothing but publish and trumpet all the Reproaches they could devife, against the Irish Land and Nation; infomuch as D'Aquila faid in open Treaty, that when the Devil upon the Mount fhewed Chrift all the Kingdoms of the Earth, and the Glory of them, he did not doubt but the Devil left out Ireland, and kept it for himself.

it

22. 'Tis true, that among the late Adventures, the Voyage of Sir Francis The EnterDrake, and Sir John Hawkins, to the Weft-Indies, was unfortunate; yet prize of Pafo as not to break, or cross the Affertion of our having had the better of nama. the Spaniards in all Fights of late. For the Disaster of that Voyage was caufed chiefly by Sickness; as may well appear by the Death of both the Generals, Sir Francis Drake, and Sir John Hawkins, of the fame Sickness among the reft. The Land Enterprize of Panama, was an ill-measured and immature Counsel; as grounded upon a falfe Account, that the Paffages towards Panama were no better fortified than Drake had left them. And yet redounded not to any Fight of Importance, but to a Retreat, after the English had proved the Strength of their firft Fort; and had notice of the two other Forts beyond, by which they were to have marched. 'Tis true, that in the Return of the English Fleet, they were fet upon by Avellaneda, Admiral of twenty great Spanish Ships; our Fleet being but fourteen, full of fick Men, deprived of their two Generals by Sea, and having no Pretence, but to fail homewards: and yet the Spaniards did but falute them, about the Cape de los Corientes, with fome fmall offer of Fight, and came off with Lofs; altho it was such a new thing for the Spaniards to receive fo little Hurt, upon dealing with the English, that Avellaneda made great Brags of it, for no other matter than the waiting upon the English afar off, from Cape de los Corientes to Cape Antonio; which neverthe in the Language of a Soldier, and of a Spaniard, he called a Chace. 23. But before I proceed farther, 'tis good to answer an Objection, The State of which, if not removed, the Conclufion of Experience from Time paft, VOL. II.

Bb

compared in 1588 to and 1624.

Spain compa

to the Time prefent, will not be found and perfect. For it will be faid, that in the former Times, whereof we have fpoke, Spain was not fo mighty as it is now; and England, on the other fide, more powerful. Therefore let us compare, with Indifference, thefe Difparities of Times, and we shall plainly perceive that they make for the Advantage of England at present. And, the less to wander in Generalities, we will fix the Comparifon to precife Times; comparing the State of Spain and England, in the Year eighty-eight, with this present Year 1624.

24. First, therefore, it is certain, that Spain has not now a Foot of Ground, in quiet Poffeffion, more than it had in eighty-eight. As for the Valtoline, and the Palatinate, it is a certain Maxim in State, that all Countries of new Conqueft, till fettled, are rather Matters of Burden than of Strength. On the other fide, England has Scotland united, and Ireland reduced to Obedience, and planted; which are great Augmentations. 25. Secondly, in eighty-eight, the Kingdom of France, able to counterbalance Spain itself, much more in Conjunction, was torn with the Party of the League; which gave Law to their King, and depended wholly upon Spain. Now France is united under a valiant young King, generally obeyed, if he will himself, and King of Navarre, as well as of France; and no ways taken Prifoner, tho he be tied in a double Chain of Alliance with Spain.

26. Thirdly, in eighty-eight, there fat in the See of Rome a fierce thundering Friar, that would fet all at odds: and tho he would after have turned his Teeth upon Spain; yet he was taken Order with before it came to that. Now there is afcended to the Papacy, a Perfonage, that came in by a chafte Election, no way obliged to the Spaniards: a Man bred in Embaffages and Affairs of State; that has much of the Prince, and nothing of the Friar and one, that tho he love the Chair of the Papacy well, yet loves the Carpet above the Chair; that is, Italy and the Liberties thereof.

27. Fourthly, in eighty-eight, the King of Denmark was a Stranger to England, and rather inclined to Spain; now that King is incorporated to the Blood of England, and engaged in the Quarrel of the Palatinate. Then alfo Venice, Savoy, and the Princes and Cities of Germany, had but a dull Fear of the Greatness of Spain, upon a general Apprehenfion only of the fpreading and ambitious Defigns of that Nation: now their Fear is fharpened and pointed, by the Spaniards late Enterprizes upon the Valtoline and the Palatinate, which came nearer to them.

28. Lastly, the Dutch, the Spaniard's perpetual Duelift, has at prefent, five Ships to one, and the like Proportion in Treafure and Wealth, to that they had in eighty-eight. Neither is it poffible that the Coffers of Spain fhould now be fuller than they were in eighty-eight; for at that time Spain had no Oth Wars, but those of the Low-Countries, which were grown into an Ordinary; but now they have had coupled therewith the Extraordinary of the Valtoline, and the Palatinate. And thus I conclude my Answer to the Objection as to the Difference of Times; not entring into more fecret Paffages of

State,

State, but keeping that Character of Stile whereof Seneca fays, It denotes

more than it expresses *.

29. Here I would end with Matter of Experience, did I not hold it The Spaniards easier to neceffary to discover a wonderful erroneous Obfervation that walks about, quit, than and is commonly received, contrary to all the true Account of Time and imagined. Experience; viz. that the Spaniard, where he once gets in, will feldom or never be got out again. But nothing is lefs true than this. Not long fince, they had footing at Breft, and fome other Parts in French Britain, and afterwards quitted them. They had Calais, Ardes, and Amiens, and furrendered them, or were beaten out. They had fince Versailles, and fairly left it. They had, the other Day, the Valtoline, and now have put it in Depofit. What they will do with Ormus, which the Perfian has taken from them, we fhall fee. So that to fpeak truly; of later Times, they have rather poached and offered at a Number of Enterprizes, than maintained any constantly quite contrary to that idle Tradition. In more ancient Times, (leaving their Purchases in Africk, which they after abandoned) when their great Emperor Charles had clafped Germany in his Fift, he was forced in the End to go from Isburg, and to quit every Foot in Germany round, that he had gained; which I doubt not will be the hereditary Iffue of this late Purchase of the Palatinate. And fo I conclude the Ground I have to think, that Spain will be no Over-match for GreatBritain; if his Majefty fhall enter into a War, from Experience, and the Records of Time.

tain over

30. The Grounds from Reafon are many. I will extract the principal, The Advanand open them briefly, and as in the Bud. For Situation, I pafs it over; tage of Britho no fmall Point: England, Scotland, Ireland, and our good Confede-Spain, in rates, the United Provinces, lie all plum together; not acceffible but by Sea; point of Situa or at least by the paffing of great Rivers, which are natural Fortifications. tion. Whereas the Dominions of Spain are so scattered, as to yield great Choice of the Scenes of the War; and promises flow Succours to fuch Parts as fhall be attempted.

diers.

31. There are three main Parts of military Puiffance; Men, Money, Courage, and and Confederates. Men are to be confidered with regard to Valour and native SolNumber. Of Valour I fpeak not; take it from the Witnesses above-produced yet the old Obfervation is true, that the Spaniards Valour lies in the Eye of the Looker on; but the English Valour lies about the Soldier's Heart. A Valour of Glory, and a Valour of natural Courage, are two things. But for Number; Spain is a Nation thin fown with People; partly by reafon of the Sterility of the Soil; and partly because their Natives are exhausted by fo many Employments in fuch vaft Territories as they poffefs. So that it has been counted a kind of Miracle, to fee ten or twelve thoufand native Spaniards in an Army. And it is certain, as we touched above, that the Secret of the Power of Spain confifts in a veteran Army, compofed of mifcellany Forces of all Nations; which for many Years they have had on Foot upon

Plus fignificat quam loquitur.

Bb 2

one

rions.

one Occafion or other: and if there should happen the Misfortune of a Battel, it would be a long Work to draw on Supplies. They tell of a Spanish Embaffador, that was brought to fee the Treafury of St. Mark at Venice, and ftill he looked down to the Ground; and being asked, why he did fo; said, he was looking if their Treasure had any Root, as his Master's had. But however it be of their Treasure, certainly their Forces have scarce any Root; or at leaft, it is fuch a Root as buds poorly and flowly. 'Tis true, they have Walloons, who are tall Soldiers; yet that is but a Spot of Ground. But on the other fide, there is not in the World again fuch a Spring and Seminary of brave military People, as is England, Scotland, Ireland, and the United Provinces: So that if Wars should mow them down ever fo faft, they may be fuddenly fupplied, and come up again.

The Riches of 32. Money, no doubt, is the principal Part of the Greatnefs of Spain; Spain preca for by that they maintain their veteran Army: and Spain is the only State of Europe that is a Money-Grower. But in this respect, of all others, comes moft to be confidered, the ticklish and brittle State of the Greatness of Spain. Their Greatness confifts in their Treasure, their Treasure in their Indies, and their Indies, if it be well weigh'd, are but an Acceffion to fuch as are Mafters by Sea. So that this Axletree, whereupon their Greatnefs turns, is foon cut in two by any one that shall be stronger than them at Sea. Herein, therefore, I refer to the Opinions of all Men, whether the maritime Forces of Great-Britain, and the United Provinces, be not able to beat the Spaniards at Sea? For if fo, the Links of that Chain, whereby they hold their Greatnefs, are diffolved.

A Sea War

gainful.

33. Now if it be faid, that admit the Cafe of Spain such as we have put with Spain it; yet if we defcend into our own Cafe, we fhall find we are not in a Condition to enter into a War with Spain: I anfwer; that I know no fuch thing; the Mint beats well; and the Pulfes of the People beat well. But there is another Point that quite destroys this Objection: for whereas Wars are generally Caufes of Poverty, or Confumption; on the contrary, the particular Nature of this War with Spain, if made by Sea, is likely to be a gainful and restorative War: So that if we go roundly on at the firft, the War in Continuance will find itself. And therefore you must make a great Difference between Hercules's Labours by Land, and Jason's Voyage by Sea for the Golden Fleece.

Spain defti.

34. As to Confederates, I will not take upon me the Knowledge how tute of fure the Princes, States, and Counfels of Europe, at this Day, stand affected Confederates. towards Spain; for that entrenches upon the fecret Occurrents of the prefent Time, wherewith, in this Treatife, I have forborn to meddle. But to fpeak of what lies open and in View; I fee much Matter of Quarrel and Jealoufy, but little of Amity and Truft towards Spain, almoft in all other States. France is in Competition with them for three noble Portions of their Monarchy, Navarre, Naples, and Milan; and now freshly in Difference with them about the Valtoline. And we fee that once in thirty or forty Years comes a Pope, that cafts his Eye upon the Kingdom of

Naples,