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sembly for settling questions in which every state had distinct and conflicting interests. Commercial alliances were therefore left to the arrangement of neighbouring governments by treaties between themselves and the first convention of this kind was that between Prussia and Hesse Darmstadt, concluded in the beginning of 1828. The inconveniences which this treaty removed were glaring, as Darmstadt lay between different provinces of the Prussian monarchy; and the benefits, which Prussia derived from it, presented an additional motive to extend its arrangements by negotiations with other states. It stipulated for an entire freedom of internal trade between the two states, and a suppression of the custom-houses of either on those points where their frontiers touched: and it established, as against foreigners, a uniform tariff, on their other frontiers; the duties being to be levied under their joint inspection, and divided in proper proportions. Wurtemberg and Bavaria, in order to remove similar inconveniences, formed a similar treaty; and in May, 1829, these two states on one part, and Prussia and Darmstadt on the other, formed a joint convention, which, though it differed in some respects from the former model, was an important step towards a uniformity of commercial regulations, and, including a considerable portion of southern and western Germany, gave Prussia an extended market for her manufactures and produce at the expense of other states. The treaty stipulated that from the 1st of January, 1830, all the indigenous productions of industry and art, belonging to the subjects of any of the contracting parties,

might with few exceptions be imported duty free from any one of their states into any other. The exceptions were divided into two classes-those which were to be permanent, and those that were to be temporary. The former were of little importance, such as playing cards, and other articles of government monopoly; the latter included nearly all the articles of staple manufactures or colonial produce supplied by great Britain, France, or other commercial states; all of which were to be admitted into Prussia at lower duties than when imported by foreigners. Thus cottons, silks, woollens, hardware, might be imported from Prussia into the confederate states at 25 per cent. less than from England or France. This reduction of duty was to commence in January, 1831, and was to be diminished gradually till the whole was abolished; when importation and exportation, as between the confederates themselves, would be duty free, whatever tariff might be established as against foreigners. Thus Prussia secured to herself in the states of her allies, a monopoly of many articles of manufacture or consumption.

Encouraged by this success, the Prussian government continued without relaxation its exertions, both by negotiations and through the public journals, to extend this commercial league, so that it might comprehend all between the Rhine and the Vistula, the frontiers of Switzerland and the Baltic. The cabinet of Berlin exercises a powerful indirect influence over the press throughout the whole of Northern Germany; and accordingly most of the journals were loud in their eulogies of the league.

The people of the several states were, from day to day, reminded of the advantage of a free commercial intercourse for 22,000,000 of Germans within 10,000 square miles, with an equal tariff for all; an advantage which, doubtless, would be most important, if it were not accompanied by the disadvantage of excluding foreign merchandise which they might have cheap, and being obliged to pay a high price for articles of a worse quality produced within the circuit of this exclusive system. On the other hand, everything which tended to impede the progress of the Prussian scheme was stigmatized as injurious to Germany. The mineral waters of Nassau form the principal article of exportation from that duchy; and from that source arises no small portion of the ducal revenues. In order to obtain an extended market for these mineral waters in exchange for French wines and silks, the duke of Nassau had concluded with France a treaty, by which, in consideration of the reduction of the duty on mineral waters imported from his dominions, he exempted for the period of five years, French wines, and French silks from any increase of duty, and further engaged that French wines and silks should participate in the advantage of any reduction of import duties which the ducal government might make during that period on the like commodities when introduced from other countries. Even so harmless a treaty as this was the subject of vehement vituperation to the partizans of the Prussian plan; because it would hinder Nassau from being a member of the commercial confederacy, till the five years had expired; and because during that

period, the duchy would be a dépôt for French wines and silks, whence they might easily be smuggled within the limits of the confederation. So successful were the labours of Prussia, that, at the end of 1833, a final treaty, carrying into effect the objects of the commercial confederation was concluded, between Prussia, Bavaria, Hesse Cassel, Hesse Darmstadt, Saxony, and Wirtemberg. In the course of the present year, some of the smaller states sent in their adhesion; and negotiations were carried on for including Baden in the union.

The Diet met on the 30th of

October. In the speech, with which count Munet Bellinghausen opened the session, he directed their attention principally to the establishment of what he called an arbitral tribunal, to decide differences which might arise between the governments and the states, wherever the law or the constitution was insufficient for the purpose. With a view to the institution of the tribunal of arbitration, he, on behalf of the emperor of Austria, proposed to the Diet a plan, consisting of 12 articles, of which the following were the most important:"1. In case differences should break out in a state of the Confederation between the Government and the Chambers relative to the interpretation of the constitution, or to the encroachment of the Chambers upon the rights of the Sovereign, or to a refusal of subsidies-if all legal means have been judged insufficient to put an end to the misunderstanding, the members of the Confederation undertake, that before they call for the intervention of the Diet, they will confide the decision of the

of persons suspected of having taken part in the political offences connected with it, was immediate ly to cease, and was not to be again resumed.

In order to protect its subjects from the contagion of liberal opinions, the Russian government published an extremely severe ukase to prevent Russians from residing out of the empire without permission. By obtaining a regular passport a noble might be authorized to reside five years abroad, and one not noble, three years; but if any person exceeded this term without express per mission, his property was to be placed in the hands of trustees, who, after a suitable deduction for the maintenance of such of his family as remained in Russia, were to apply the remainder of his income to state purposes: and if on his return he proved that unfore seen and inevitable difficulties had prevented his return, the property was to be restored to him, other wise it was to remain in the hands of the trustees till his death, and then to be handed over to his heirs. GREECE during the present year suffered the evils both of civil war and of political intrigue. By the 10th article of the convention relative to the sovereignty of Greece, it was provided that the rights of the sovereignty of king Otho, should, during his minority," be exercised in their full extent by a regency, composed of three councillors, appointed by the king of Bavaria." Count Armansperg, a Bavarian nobleman, of known experience, who had filled the highest offices at Munich, was appointed president; M. Maurer, a professor of jurisprudence, and a man of learning, from whose exertions in framing laws for Greece much

was expected, was the second; and the third was general Heideck, a Swiss Philbellene. To supply any vacancy which might arise from accident or death, a supplementary member was appointed in the person of M. Abel, a man of violent temper, who had in the beginning of life been for some time commissary of police, and who having subsequently elevated his fortunes by marriage with a widow of one of the Fugger family at Augsburg, became Bavarian councillor of legation at Vienna. For some time the members of the Regency went on in tolera ble harmony, but their wives quarrelled. Maurer and Heideck, guided by Abel, formed a party against the president; and in the beginning of May, these two, con stituting the majority, deprived count Armansperg of certain emoluments which he had up to that time received as head of the government. They even forbade Otho, being apprehensive he might fall in love with one of the count's daughters, to frequent or visit his house, or speak or communicate with any of his family. The count was at last obliged to appeal to Munich; and the result was, that, in August, M. Maurer and M. Abel were recalled, and a M. Kuobel was sent to replace the former.

The district of Maina, situated between the gulphs of Coron and Kolokythi, had long been inhabited by a rude and warlike race, who found refuge from their enemies in the recesses of their mountains, and the lofty stone towers, more than two hundred of which were scattered over the country. These towers the Bavarian Regency, for no very urgent or apparent reason, thought it incumbent on them

to reduce, and for this purpose a considerable body of troops was sent into the district. At first, they were repulsed at several points, and some of their detachments sustained considerable loss; but finally the Mainotes were obliged to yield to the concentrated force of their opponents; and, in August, general Schmaltz was in complete military occupation of Maina.

Scarcely had military operations ceased in Maina, when an insur rection, excited by the partizans of Colocotroni, and headed by his nephew, broke out in Arcadia and Messenia. It was suppressed by the end of September, and without much bloodshed. This last insur. rection was, in some degree, occasioned by the result of a trial which had occupied the attention of Greece.

Colocotroni and his brother-inlaw, Coliopulos, had taken an active part in the affairs of Greece, before the crown was placed on the head of Otho. It was certain that they were keenly opposed to the individuals who were now in possession of power; and they were generally considered as partizans of Russia, and as the heads of the party who were supposed to move as Russia directed. In March these two intriguers were accused of high treason. The crimes charged against them were, that they had conspired to subvert the regency, which was denominated "the actual constitution of the state," and change the form of the existing government; that with this view they had held meetings, and procured petitions addressed to the king of Bavaria; and that, in order to promote the same end, they had co-operated with some of the robber chiefs, who

had not yet abandoned the occupation they had so long pursued. The culprits were arraigned before the tribunal of Nauplia, which was composed of five members→→→→ the president Polyzoides, and four judges, Tertzetti, Soutzo, Frangoulis, and Boulgaris. On the 12th of May the trial began. After the evidence had been con cluded in support of the charges, the accused adduced no less than 130 witnesses; and twenty-five days were occupied before the pleadings commenced. The defence was conducted in a mode which the government complained of as utterly contrary to the law and to decency; but the resident was the avowed and open partizan of the prisoners, so that the remonstrances of the public prosecutor were unavailing. When the speeches were concluded, the members of the tribunal withdrew, in order to confer as to the decision at which they ought to arrive. The president and Tertzetti were resolute for acquittal; but the other three, the opinion of whom, as being the majority, bound the court, found them guilty, and doomed them to death, recom◄ mending them at the same time to mercy. The two dissentients, however, refused either to sign the sentence, or be present when it was pronounced." In the name of the law," said the minister of justice to them, "I require of you to sign the judgment pronounced by the majority-that is to say, by the tribunal, and also to assist at its being publicly read." The president replied, that they never would do so. After a short pause, the minister again asked, if they continued to persist in their refusal and Polyzoides and Tertzetti having replied in the affirm