We find from Wood's Athenæ that Richard Eedes was a student of Christ Church and known as a writer of tragedies, but it does not appear whether this Latin play on Cæsar's death was composed by him or whether he merely wrote the Epilogue. Malone suggested that the famous 'Et tu, Brute,' may have come from this source. In Stephen Gosson's Playes confuted in five Actions (Roxburghe Library, ed. Hazlitt, p. 188), and not as Malone states in The Schoole of Abuse, a play called 'the history of Cæsar and Pompey' is mentioned. Gosson's pamphlet, though without date, was probably printed not later than 1581 or 1582. In Henslowe's Diary (Shakespeare Society Publications), p. 44, we find the following entry: 8 of novembr 1594 ne Rd at Seser and pompie iijli ijs;' where 'ne' indicates that it was a new play. Again, p. 54: '18 of June 1595 ne Rd at the 2pte of sesore lys.' From another entry in the same volume, p. 221, it appears that in 1602 Drayton and others were engaged upon a play on the same subject as Shakespeare's Tragedy: 'Lent unto the companye, the 22 of maij 1602, to give unto Antoney Monday and Mihell Drayton, Webester, Mydelton and the Rest, in earneste of a Boocke called sesers Falle, the some of vli' Further, Malone mentions an anonymous play, of which the second edition appeared in 1607, called The Tragedy of Cæsar and Pompey, or Cæsar's Revenge. This was acted privately by the students of Trinity College, Oxford. Chapman's play on the same subject and with almost the same title was not printed till 1631. Whether any of these was the play called Cæsar's Tragedy, which is said by Malone, on the authority of Mr. Vertue's MSS., to have been acted at Court on the 10th of April, 1613, it is impossible to decide. Malone himself thinks that it was probably Shakespeare's Julius Cæsar, 'it being much the fashion at that time to alter the titles of his plays.' But for this supposition there appears to be as little foundation as there is for the assertion which accompanies it.

The question of the sources of the play is a very simple

one. Shakespeare's sole authority was Sir Thomas North's translation of Plutarch's Lives of the noble Grecians and Romans compared together, of which the first edition appeared in 1579, and the second in 1595. This translation was made from the French of Jaques Amyot, Bishop of Auxerre, of which two editions had appeared, in 1559 and 1565 respectively. North used the earlier. The following extracts are taken from Mr. Skeat's 'Selection from the Lives which illustrate Shakespeare's plays,' published in 1875 under the title 'Shakespeare's Plutarch.' This volume contains all that is necessary for our purpose, and is more accessible than the folio editions. In the Notes it will be observed that I have sometimes quoted from the folio of 1631, but in all cases I have added a reference to Mr. Skeat's volume, in which the lives of Julius Cæsar, Marcus Brutus, and Marcus Antonius, occupy the pages 42-104, 105-152, and 153–229 respectively.

i. 1. 65. Disrobe the images. After that, there were set up images of Cæsar in the city, with diadems upon their heads like kings. Those the two tribunes, Flavius and Marullus, went and pulled down, and furthermore, meeting with them that first saluted Cæsar as king, they committed them to prison' (p. 96). See also the quotation from the Life of Antonius given in the note to i. 2. 221.

i. 1. 68, i. 2. 'At that time the feast of Lupercalia was celebrated, the which in old time men say was the feast of shepherds or herdmen, and is much like unto the feast of the Lycæans in Arcadia. But howsoever it is, that day there are divers noblemen's sons, young men (and some of them magistrates themselves that govern them), which run naked through the city, striking in sport them they meet in their way with leather thongs, hair and all on, to make them give place' (p. 95).

Then follows the quotation given in the note to i. 2. 7.

The same account is found in the Life of Marcus Antonius: "The Romans by chance celebrated the feast called Lupercalia, and Cæsar, being apparelled in his triumphing robe, was

set in the Tribunè, where they use to make their orations to the people, and from thence did behold the sport of the runners. The manner of this running was thus. On that day there are many young men of noble house, and those specially that be chief officers for that year, who running naked up and down the city, anointed with the oil of olive, for pleasure do strike them they meet in their way with white leather thongs they have in their hands' (p. 163).

Then follows the passage quoted in the note to i. 2. 221.

i. 2. 32, &c. The conversation between Brutus and Cassius is partly suggested by the following. Cassius, on sounding his friends, found that they would take part with him if Brutus were the chief of the conspiracy. Therefore Cassius, considering this matter with himself, did first of all speak to Brutus, since they grew strange together for the suit they had for the prætorship. So when he was reconciled to him again, and that they had embraced one another, Cassius asked him if he were determined to be in the Senate-house the first day of the month of March, because he heard say that Cæsar's friends should move the council that day, that Cæsar should be called king by the Senate. Brutus answered him, he would not be there; "But if we be sent for," said Cassius, "how then?" "For myself then," said Brutus, "I mean not to hold my peace, but to withstand it, and rather die than lose my liberty." Cassius being bold, and taking hold of this word: " Why," quoth he, "what Roman is he alive that will suffer thee to die for thy liberty? What? knowest thou not that thou art Brutus? Thinkest thou that they be cobblers, tapsters, or suchlike base mechanical people, that write these bills and scrolls which are found daily in thy prætor's chair, and not the noblest men and best citizens that do it? No; be thou well assured that of other prætors they look for gifts, common distributions amongst the people, and for common plays, and to see fencers fight at the sharp, to shew the people pastime: but at thy hands they specially require (as a due debt unto them) the taking away of the tyranny, being fully bent to suffer any

extremity for thy sake, so that thou wilt shew thyself to be the man thou art taken for, and that they hope thou art”’ (pp. 112, 113).

i. 2. 192. 'Now Cæsar, on the other side, did not trust him (i.e. Brutus) over much, nor was without tales brought unto him against him: howbeit he feared his great mind, authority, and friends. Yet, on the other side also, he trusted his good nature and fair conditions. For, intelligence being brought him one day, that Antonius and Dolabella did conspire against him: he answered “That these fat long-haired men made him not afraid, but the lean and whitely-faced fellows," meaning that by Brutus and Cassius' (p. 111).

Again, in the Life of Marcus Antonius:

'For it is reported that Cæsar answered one that did accuse Antonius and Dolabella unto him for some matter of conspiracy: "Tush," said he, "they be not those fat fellows and fine combed men that I fear, but I mistrust rather these pale and lean men," meaning by Brutus and Cassius, who afterwards conspired his death and slew him' (p. 163).

i. 2. 221. Cæsar sat to behold that sport upon the pulpit for orations, in a chain of gold, apparelled in triumphant manner. Antonius, who was Consul at that time, was one of them that ran this holy course. So when he came into the market-place the people made a lane for him to run at liberty, and he came to Cæsar, and presented him a diadem wreathed about with laurel. Whereupon there rose a certain cry of rejoicing, not very great, done only by a few appointed for the purpose. But when Cæsar refused the diadem, then all the people together made an outcry of joy. Then Antonius offering it him again, there was a second shout of joy, but yet of a few. But when Cæsar refused it again the second time, then all the whole people shouted. Cæsar having made this proof, found that the people did not like of it, and thereupon rose out of his chair, and commanded the crown to be carried unto Jupiter in the Capitol' (p. 96). See also the quotation from the Life of M. Antonius given in the Notes.

i. 3. 10, &c. 'Certainly destiny may easier be foreseen than avoided, considering the strange and wonderful signs that were said to be seen before Cæsar's death. For, touching the fires in the element, and spirits running up and down in the night, and also the solitary birds to be seen at noondays sitting in the great market-place, are not all these signs perhaps worth the noting, in such a wonderful chance as happened? But Strabo the philosopher writeth, that divers men were seen going up and down in fire, and furthermore, that there was a slave of the soldiers that did cast a marvellous burning flame out of his hand, insomuch as they that saw it thought he had been burnt; but when the fire was out, it was found he had no hurt. Cæsar self also doing sacrifice unto the gods, found that one of the beasts which was sacrificed had no heart: and that was a strange thing in nature, how a beast could live without a heart' (pp. 97, 98).

ii. 1. After that time they began to feel all their acquaintance whom they trusted, and laid their heads together, consulting upon it, and did not only pick out their friends, but all those also whom they thought stout enough to attempt any desperate matter, and that were not afraid to lose their lives. (Here follows the passage about Cicero, quoted in the note to ii. 1. 144). Brutus also did let other of his friends alone, as Statilius Epicurian, and Faonius, that made profession to follow Marcus Cato: because that, having cast out words afar off, disputing together in philosophy to feel their minds, Faonius answered, "that civil war was worse than tyrannical government usurped against the law." And Statilius told him also, “that it were an unwise part for him to put his life in danger, for a sort of ignorant fools and asses." Labeo was present at this talk, and maintained the contrary against them both. But Brutus held his peace, as though it had been a doubtful matter, and a hard thing to have been decided. But afterwards, being out of their company, he made Labeo privy to his intent; who very readily offered himself to make one. And they thought good also to bring in another Brutus