we; but besides this, allowing we each brought the same number, our enemy would not incur one-fifth part of our expenses.

Though Lord Cornwallis had done everything he proposed by penetrating into North Carolina, though he had been fortunate enough to come up with General Greene, engaged, and defeated him, he had found no one good consequence of his success, not being joined by any body of Americans as he expected, nor even retaining the ground on which he had conquered. As therefore no unforeseen obstacles had presented themselves, and no ill conduct had attended the execution of the plan, it was undeniable, that the project was a vain one, similar to all the other enterprises we had formed during the course of the war; for inimical as the inhabitants of the country were always found, and defended as they were by natural barriers, extensive conquests must ever be impracticable, and no abilities of the general or valor of the troops could avail to any substantial success. This was experienced by General Burgoyne at Bennington; by General Howe at Long Island; by Lord Cornwallis at Guildford, and so it ever must be found while the constitution of things in America remained the same. Ministers had already tried the fortune of war in nearly all the thirteen provinces: they began with Massachusetts Bay, which was in the first commencement of the war supposed the only hostile part of the continent. An insurrection in the province of Massachusetts Bay was the general phrase, and formed the preamble in every act of parliament for coercing America; of course, therefore, to suppress that insurrection was the only object of the war, and Boston was then taken possession of as the only military operation necessary; but in a short time that town was abandoned again, and with so much avidity, that a great minister of state, now no more [Lord Suffolk], had even congratulated parliament on the occasion. We then possessed ourselves of New York, finding the flame of rebellion had extended farther southwards, and there continued till this hour, though it seemed it was not a situation for offensive measures. The next enterprise was levelled at the middle colonies, and Philadelphia taken; which success was preceded by a very important victory; yet that place was abandoned also, much to our satisfaction, and

the retreat from it had eternized the name of Clinton. After this, we discovered all at once, that the Southern Colonies were most vulnerable and proper for an attack. A noble lord [Lord Westcote] proclaimed their inhabitants to be effeminate and enervated by the heat of the sun: his lordship being a scholar reasoned on the topic very scientifically, and his ideas were a once adopted: Charleston, in consequence, was taken; and but for extraordinary exertions of bravery, would have turned out conquest more injurious to our cause than any of the preceding. In short, we had now attempted every province but Virginia and New Hampshire, the latter of which I am sorry to find could not be invaded without great difficulty; but as to the former, I understand it is to be the next object of enterprise: now I should be happy to learn whether after the thirteen colonies had been invaded, without advancing our grand object a single step, ministers would at last consent to relinquish this most destructive war. If I can only obtain an assurance of that, I will readily consent to an attempt on Virginia, and think I made a good bargain for my constituents.

PITT IN THE SAME DEBATE.

SOME gentlemen had passed the highest eulogiums on the American war. Its justice was defended in the most warm and fervent manner indeed. A noble lord in the heat of his zeal had

called it a holy war. For my part, though the honorable gentleman who made the motion, and some other gentlemen, had been more than once in the course of the debate severely reprehended for calling it a wicked and accursed war, I am persuaded, and will affirm, that it was a most cursed, wicked, barbarous, crue, unnatural, unjust, and diabolical war. It was conceived in injustice it was nurtured and brought forth in folly its footsteps were marked with blood, slaughter, persecution, and devastation in truth, everything which went to constitute moral de Dravity and human turpitude, was to be found in it. It was

pregnant with misery of every kind. The mischiefs, however, recoiled on the unhappy people of this country who were made the instruments, by which the wicked purposes of its authors were effected. The nation was drained of its best blood and of its vital resources of men and money. The expense of it was enormous, much beyond any former experience; and yet, what had the British nation received in return? Nothing but a series of ineffective victories, or severe defeats-victories celebrated only by a temporary triumph over our brethren, whom we would trample down and destroy; which filled the land with mourning for the loss of dear and valued relations, slain in the impious cause of enforcing unconditional submission; or with narratives of the glorious exertions of men, struggling in the holy cause of liberty, though struggling under all the difficulties and disadvantages which in general are deemed the necessary concomitants of victory and success. Where was the Englishman, on reading the narratives of those bloody and well-fought contests, who could refrain from lamenting the loss of so much British blood, spilt in such a cause? or from weeping on whatever side victory might be declared? Add to this melancholy consideration, that on whichever side we looked, we could perceive nothing but our natural and powerful enemies, or lukewarm and faithless friends, rejoicing in our calamities, or meditating our ultimate downfall.

FOX ON THE ARRIVAL OF THE NEWS OF THE SURRENDER OF LORD CORNWALLIS.

I HAD expected, and I know it has been expected by many others, to hear on this occasion his majesty declare from the throne, that he had been deceived and imposed upon by misinformation and misrepresentation; that in consequence of his delusion, the parliament had been deluded; but that now the deception was at an end; and requesting of his parliament to devise the most speedy and efficacious means of putting an end to the public ca

lamities; instead of which they had heard a speech breathing little else than vengeance, misery, and blood. Those who were ignorant of the personal character of the Sovereign, and who imagined this speech to originate with him, might be led to suppose that he was an unfeeling despot, rejoicing in the horrid sacrifice of une liberty and lives of his subjects, who, when all hope of victory was vanished, still thirsted for revenge. The ministers, who advised this speech, are a curse to the country, over the affairs of which they have too long been suffered to preside. From that unrivalled pre-eminence which we so lately possessed, they have made us the object of ridicule and scorn to the surrounding nations. The noble lord in the blue riband has indeed thought fit to ascribe the American war and all its attendant calamities to the speeches of Opposition. Oh! wretched and incapable ministry, whose measures are framed with so little foresight, and executed with so little- firmness, that because a rash and intemperate invective is uttered against them in the House of Commons, they shall instantly crumble in pieces, and bring down ruin. upon the country! Miserable statesman! to allow for no contingencies of fortune, no ebullition of passion, no collision of sentiment! Could be expect the concurrence of every individual in that house? and was he so weak or wicked, as to contrive plans of government of such a texture, that the intervention of circumstances, obvious and unavoidable, would occasion their total failure, and hazard the existence of the empire? Ministers must expect to hear of the calamities in which they had involved the empire, again and again-not merely in that house, but at the tribunal of justice; for the time will surely come, when an oppressed and irritated people will firmly call for signal punishment on those whose counsels have brought the nation so near to the brink of destruction. An indignant nation will surely in the end compel them to make some faint atonement for the magnitude of their offences on a public scaffold.

BURKE ON THE RIGHT TO INSTRUCT REPRESENTATIVES.

I AM Sorry I cannot conclude, without saying a word on a topic touched upon by my worthy colleague. I wish that topic had been passed by; at a time when I have so little leisure to discuss it. But since he has thought proper to throw it out, I owe you a clear explanation of my poor sentiments on that subject.

He tells you, that "the topic of instructions has occasioned much altercation and uneasiness in this city;" and he expresses himself (if I understand him rightly) in favor of the coercive authority of such instructions.

Certainly, gentlemen, it ought to be the happiness and glory of a representative, to live in the strictest union, the closest correspondence, and the most unreserved communication with his constituents. Their wishes ought to have great weight with him; their opinion, high respect; their business unremitted attention. It is his duty to sacrifice his repose, his pleasures, his satisfactions, to theirs and above all, ever, and in all cases, to prefer their interest to his own. But, his unbiassed opinion, his mature judgment, his enlightened conscience, he ought not to sacrifice to you; to any man, or to any set of men living. These he does not derive from your pleasure; no, nor from the law and the constitution. They are a trust from Providence, for the abuse of which he is deeply answerable. Your representative owes you, not his industry only, but his judgment; and he betrays, instead of serving you, if he sacrifices it to your opinion.

My worthy colleague says, his will ought to be subservient to yours. If that be all, the thing is innocent. If government were a matter of will upon any side, yours, without question, ought to be superior. But government and legislation are matters of reason and judgment, and not of inclination; and, what sort of reason is that, in which the determination precedes the discussion; in which one set of men deliberate, and another decide; and where those who form the conclusion are perhaps three hundred miles distant, from those who hear the arguments?

To deliver an opinion, is the right of all men; that of constitu