conduct, he should say, that in almost every case the truth of the allegation ought to be allowed to be given in evidence, but still he could cite an instance in which such a course would not meet the justice of the case. In the last war a writer, at a time when an expedition was in preparation, stated with reference to the transports used for conveying troops in a former expedition, that they were not seaworthy. That was the fact; yet, when the circumstances were considered that another expedition was in preparation, and that the object of the writer was to excite a mutiny in the troops about to be sent out, no one could doubt that allowing the party to prove the former fact would be no good justification. riotous proceedings as took place at the elections for that city. In order to bring the matter more immediately under the consideration of the House, it became necessary that he should read a portion of the evidence taken before the Committee on the recent inquiry. He was the more desirous to do this as, upon inquiry, it might turn out, that the Attorney-General should be directed to prosecute the ringleaders in the desperate outrages which took place at the election of 1832. One witness stated, that there was a mob of at least 2,000 persons, who had been hired in the neighbourhood of the city for the express purpose of acting as bullies at the Coventry election, and that they were paid This would no less a sum than 5s. per day each. The show, that truth in every case even of pub-chief leader and director of this band of lic libel would not be a good justification, though he admitted that in general it ought to be allowed in public cases. The great difficulty was to say what was a public and what a private libel. He knew, that it was actionable to say, that a man was unfit for his station or business in private life; but he did not think it ought to be a libel, to say that a public man was not fit for the office he held, yet he knew, as the law now stood,the contrary opinion was held. In the case which had been mentioned by an hon. Member on a former evening, respecting Lord Hardwicke, of whom it had been said, that he was rather famous for breeding cattle and sheep, than for the law, now he should not consider any such charge if brought against him a libel at all. This showed the difficulty, as the law stood, of saying what was libel and what was not, and showed the necessity of an inquiry on the subject, and in the propriety of that inquiry he fully con curred. Motion agreed to, and the Committee appointed. rioters, was a person named Richard It RIOTS AT COVENTRY ELECTION.] Mr. Halcombe rose to bring forward his promised Motion for a further inquiry into the pro-mittees of that Ilouse, he cared not ceedings at the general election for the city of Coventry, in 1832. He had been for some time anxious to bring this subject forward at an earlier period of the evening, but he had found it impossible to do so. His notice was of long standing, and he had received the assurance of the right hon. the Secretary-at-War, that he would concur in any measure which would protect the people of Coventry from such whether a Committee were appointed or not, he was determined to do his duty to the aggrieved parties by laying their case fairly before the House. The hon. or rather the right hon. Gentleman to whom he alluded was no other than the Secretary-at-War. He would state it openly to his face, if he were present; but, as he was not, he stated it fairly in the presence of his colleagues. The House need not be under any apprehension that he would overstate the facts, for the facts were themselves of so atrocious a nature, that it would be next to impossible for him to colour them. A witness named Johnson, one of the bullies, stated, that the money he received, was paid by Randall, who led them on and walked first. John Thomas said, that Randall paid them; that they were in bodies of 100 each, and that Randall gave them tickets to eat and drink what they pleased at the sign of the Half-Moon. This witness went on to say, "At the booths we cut them (their opponents) down, and kicked them about like foot-balls; I mean the Light-blues; we all had a punch at them as could. We were told to leave them alive, and hardly. Whenever I saw any on them near the booths, I dragged them by the hair to the booth; we beat them and kicked them as long as we liked, and then the constables came and took them away, they dared not interfere before. A person, named Hammerton, was one of the leaders, and, I believe, that he is now in the Custom-house, filling the office of Tide-waiter, or some such office." Now, he begged the attention of the House to this fact. When it became publicly known, that no further steps were to be taken against the offending parties, the Sheriffs, who were partisans of Messrs. Ellice and Bulwer, made Randall a peace-officer of the town; thus placing this person, who was a publican and a prize-fighter, over the citizens whom he had been hired to ill-use. Was it not an insult to public justice to find that such a person should not only escape punishment, but should be rewarded for his conduct? He had mentioned the right hon. Secretary at War as being connected with these proceedings. It appeared from the evidence of Johnson that he was so. Johnson said, "We met Mr. Ellice in his carriage near the London-road. Mr. Bulwer was with him." Another witness said, "Mr. Ellice made speeches, and we were ganging about, milling all we could find. Young Ellice was there [This, Mr. Halcomb said, was a son of the right hon. Member.] He joined us." One of the Committee asked this witness a few questions: When you saw the Light-blues what did you do?"-" Why, we knocked 'em down." "Did you do any thing else to them?"-"Yes, we knocked them about, and ripped them up." "Then you did not consider it any disgrace to knock men about and ill-use them in this way, so you were paid for it?" And here, said the hon, Member, I beg the attention of the House to the answer of the witness :"They ought to be responsible who employed us to do so.' What did hon. Members think of this? It was true they might not attend to his statements, or they might run from the House to witness a boat-race, while he was stating these facts, but still he was determined to his duty. Another witness said, there was a general cry for Mr. Ellice; the cry was, Ellice, Ellice, you devil!" When a person remonstrated with the Sheriffs against these outrages, the answer of the Sheriffs was, "Oh, you would not mind it if it was on your side ;" and Mr. Ellice observed, that it was not worse than the election of 1826, and that such proceedings were usual at all elections. The hon. and learned Member went on to read the evidence of a Lieutenant Perkins, R.N., who sat in a window opposite the polling-booth, and who stated, that it was not safe for any of the adverse party to go to vote; for himself, he said no consideration could induce him to do so. It was usual, when the Light-blues made their appearance, to seize upon them, and, after beating them, to "rip them up," that was, to cut the clothes from their backs, and throw sometimes the persons, and sometimes the clothes, back into the booth. One person was thrown into the booth merely with his shirt on, and his small-clothes hanging over his heels. He had done every thing in his power to bring the guilty parties to justice. He tried to have the Sheriffs called to the Bar of that House, but he failed; and then he gave notice of his present Motion. Some of the complaining parties had written to the hon. Member opposite (whose upright intentions no one presumed to doubt), who was Chairman of the Committee, and received from him an answer, stating, that as the publication of the report of the Committee had preserved the city of Coventry from riot at the last election, and as, in that report, they had stated their opinions of the conduct of the Sheriffs, they did not think any further steps necessary; so that the only result was, that Randall, the ringleader, was made bailiff of Coventry. The House must, he was sure, feel with him, that it was too bad the guilty should thus be allowed to escape. He would not say one word respecting the hon. Member below him (Mr. Bulwer), were it not that he expected to be answered again as he had been before" The electors of Coventry have got well threshed, as they deserved." It appeared that in 1802, 1803, 1820,1827, and 1833, there were reports of Committees setting forth similar abuses at elections in Coventry. He had now fulfilled his pledge, and he would leave it to the House to decide upon it. The hon. and learned Member concluded by moving for the appointment of a "Select Committee, to make further Inquiry into the proceedings at the general election for the city of Coventry, in December, 1832, and to consider and report to this House thereon, and upon the best means of providing for the future prevention of Riots, and for preserving the peace and freedom of Election at Coventry, and that such Committee be chosen by Ballot, two Members being appointed by this House." he was actuated by no party spirit, but solely by a love of pure impartial justice, should call upon the House to form an opinion upon a view of the evidence of one party only. The hon. Member had entirely kept out of sight the evidence on the opposite side. The hon, Member (Sir George Grey) proceeded to refer to other evidence contained in the Report, and also to documentary evidence in the Report, in order to show, that the actual facts were very different from what they had been represented to be by the hon, and learned member for Dover. Mr. Mark Philips attached (in accordance with the Report of the Committee) the blame to the Sheriffs, as returning officers, for not taking necessary precautions. He did not see, after the evidence of the peaceable election which had taken place in April, and the precautions established by the Reform Bill, any necessity for special legislation with regard to that borough. Mr. Wynn objected to the decision of a Select Committee being re-opened. He regretted that a Report, conveying such strong censure as this, should have been allowed to be on the Table of the House Sir Oswald Mosley said, that the reason why no further proceedings had taken place was, that there was no earthly reason for them. It appeared that the riot had arisen from one party taking forcible possession of the booth; and it was natural that the other should resist. The Com-without being taken up, and the returning mittee did not think this a sufficient ground for further proceedings. At the last election, booths had been fixed in different parts of the city, and no such scenes had taken place. Mr. Henry L. Bulwer said, that if he thought he held his seat in the House by a voluntary participation in such scenes as the hon. and learned Member had described, he should walk out of it without offering a word in his defence. The hon, and learned Member who had vindicated the purity of Stafford, and the tranquillity of Warwick, had, however, read the evidence ex-parte only; the opposite evidence, contradicting what the hon. Member had read in every particular, he had not alluded to. The riot lasted but a short time, and had been caused by the other party taking forcible possession of the booth. One of the candidates (Mr. Thomas) had declared, that he had experienced the fairest and most honourable conduct on the part of his opponents; yet the hon. and learned Member was now doing all he could to keep alive the spirit of violence in Coventry. Sir George Grey was surprised that the hon, and learned Member, professing that officers called to the Bar. If the House passed over the gross violence which had taken place at the election for this city, it would be as injurious to the cause of purity of election as if it had passed over instances of gross corruption. The Motion was negatived. Mr. Halcombe moved, " that his Majesty's Attorney-General be directed to prosecute Richard Randall for an offence proved against him, as appeared by the Report of the Select Committee on the Coventry Election." The House divided on the Motion- Petitions presented. By Mr. FOWELL BUXTON, from Ware- ham; and Mr. SHEPHERD, from Frome, Selwood,-for Corn Laws, for the Repeal of the Malt Tax, for Poor Laws to Ireland; and Relief to the Agricultural Interest. -By Mr. W. ROCHE, from several Places, for the Repeal from several Places,-for the Better Observance of the Sabbath.-By Messrs. BENETT, BARNARD, and EWART, from a Number of Places, and Dissenting Congregations, Colonel ANSON, Sir WILLIAM FOLKES, Mr. LABOUCHERE, and Mr. POULETT SCROPE, from Stroud, &c.,-to the same effect.-By Mr. LABOUCHERE and Sir WILLIAM of the Union.-By Mr. FINCH and Sir STEPHEN GLYNNE, for Relief to the Dissenters; and by Lord MORPETH, FOLKES, from Harrogate, &c.,-for the Better Observance of the Lord's Day.-By Sir WILLIAM FOLKES, from Grimshoe, for Relief to the Agricultural Interest.-By Sir MICHAEL SHAW STEWART, from the Medical Association paviors, navigators, and other hard-working labourers of London were Irishmen. He was sure, if it were not for the Irish labourers, there would be a great dearth of labour in London, and the price of it would rise greatly. They had nothing to do with the counties through which they passed, upon which it would be hard to throw the burthen of passing them back from London, perhaps twice a-year. The hon. Gentleman ought to remember also, that, if London had to bear the burthen of these Irish labourers, it had the benefit of the expenditure of the Irish Members. Mr. Alderman Wood said, that this was at Greenock, for an Inquiry into the State of the Medical not the time for discussing this subject. If Profession. his hon. friend, the member for Marylebone, were to move, before he brought forREMOVAL OF SCOTCH AND IRISH ward his Motion for the repeal of this Act, PAUPERS.] Sir Samuel Whalley pre- for a return of the expenditure of which sented a Petition from the vestrymen of the petitioners complained, he would the parish of St. Pancras, Middlesex, find that half the amount might be set calling the attention of the House to an down as the consequence of the improviAct which passed in the last Session for dent bargain made by the Middlesex Mathe removal of paupers to Scotland and gistrates. There were vessels passing conIreland at the expense of the counties stantly to Ireland which would take the from which they were removed. By this paupers the very day they received them measure the rates of Middlesex had been from the officers, and at 15s. a-head, increased almost tenfold; and that county, whereas, he understood that 32s. was the which was not agricultural, had the whole price now paid. It appeared, that the burthen of the removal of the Irish paupers Magistrates originally contracted for 15s. thrown upon it, to the relief of the mid-passage money, with 1s. per day whilst land and agricultural counties, which alone reaped the benefit, if there was any benefit, from the labour of those paupers. The petitioners did not wish to throw back the burthen on the agricultural counties; but they thought, as the influx of Irish and Scotch paupers was a national grievance, the expense of their removal should be paid out of the Consolidated Fund. Heretofore the cost of the removal from the county of Middlesex was 5s. per head, but by the new law the expense was raised to 32s. per head at the very outset. The Magistrates of that county, no doubt with the most laudable intentions, had adopted a new plan for removing paupers; but although they had succeeded in greatly diminishing the numbers, still the expense to the county was very largely increased. Mr. Benett said, that the hon. member for Marylebone had made a most extraordinary assertion when he said, that London was not the market to which the Irish labourers came to dispose of their labour. If he would make inquiry, he would very soon find, that nineteen-twentieths of the they remained on board. It was, besides, Mr. Hume was perfectly well aware, that the petitioners were respectable persons; but he believed, that they were mistaken. The Vestrymen of Marylebone, who, he was bound to say, generally took a liberal view of things, appeared to him, | same general effect as the one he had now in this instance, to have taken one of a the honour to hold in his hand had been quite contrary nature. He had attended presented to the French Government by the meeting of that body, and it was then the opulent, enlightened, and important admitted, that the number of paupers city of Bourdeaux. It was, therefore, passed now was, in proportion to that quite evident by the coincidence of opinpassed heretofore, as seventeen to forty-ion which the two greatest commercial three. A Magistrate of the Borough had countries in the world had manifested, also acknowledged to him that there were that the principle was triumphant; and only five paupers in the workhouse wait- he hoped before long it would extend its ing to be passed to their respective blessings over all the nations on the face countries. And yet with these facts be- of the earth. As the contents of the pefore them the Vestry persisted in present- tition which he had now to present were ing this petition. With respect to the most important, and as the question inmeasure itself, it had been long admitted, volved in it was a vital one to the interests that some remedial enactment was neces- of the community, he should make no sary; and he thought the present one a apology to the House for reading it in defit and proper experiment to be made on tail.-[The hon. Member proceeded to the subject. It had been argued, that if read the petition. It stated, that the pean experiment were made, it should be titioners having thought one of the first made at the expense of the public; but benefits which ought to accrue to the if that were the case, the motives for eco-country from Reform would be free trade, nomy would cease, and the experiment were surprised at the apathy evinced by would fail. That it had hitherto been his Majesty's Government on that all-imsuccessful, he had the fullest proof, in the Returns made by the Clerk of the Peace, of the numbers passed, at periods previous and subsequent to the obtaining of this measure. He believed the abuses of the Poor-laws would become the ruin of the country if they were suffered to continue. This was, however, an experiment to obviate one of those abuses, and, consequently should be hailed with satisfaction and delight by all who wished to avert that consummation. He hoped that the House would not alter the measure. portant question. It prayed an unrestricted commerce in imports and exports, subject only to such moderate duties as the exigences of the public revenue might demand. They prayed an unrestricted trade in corn, as calculated to be most advantageous to British_trade, and a very great encouragement to British industry and enterprise.] He concurred most heartily in the prayer of the petition, and he hoped the time was near at hand when this subject would be treated with the attention which it merited, and when reason and experience would convince the agriculturists, that it was their Sir Edward Knatchbull was inclined to believe, that the Act in question had produced much good, but there was one de-interest to encourage instead of oppose fect in it which he wished to bring before the attention of the House, namely, the fact, that all paupers were to continue in the hands of the constables until they were placed on board the vessel appointed to carry them to their respective destinations. Petition laid on the Table. the removal of those injurious restrictions, which, whilst they only conferred on them a fallacious benefit, inflicted a positive and grievous mischief upon the people. If the great basis of our commercial and manufacturing prosperity was connected with our trade, as was evidently the case, and if foreign countries were not blind to the sources of our industry, assuredly we ought to adopt every FREE TRADE-CORN LAWS.] Mr. Ewart presented a petition from the great body of the inhabitants of Liverpool, pray-means by which we could be able to seing for a free trade in all articles of importation, but more especially in corn. He was happy to find, that the subject of free trade was one which engrossed the attention not alone of this country, but also that of other countries with which it was in extensive commercial intercourse, as not long since a petition to the cure to ourselves the advantages which we had hitherto enjoyed. Germany was quite alive to the source of our greatness, and the political economists and statesmen of that country were aware of the means of our prosperity. They well knew that the advantage which an English Gentleman had over the German Count, or a |