of the House of Lords. It is not necessary that he should be a Peer, but he is usually created a Peer on his appointment, and being so, he has a right to join in debate and to vote in the same way as any other Peer; but he has no casting vote when upon a division the numbers are found to be equal. When the House is sitting upon ordinary occasions, the Lord Chancellor takes his place upon the woolsack, wearing a full bottom wig and a plain black silk gown. The woolsack may be described as a large ottoman, stuffed with wool. It is supposed that this was the kind of seat used by the president of the most ancient councils held in England, and that it was so used in order to remind the people of the importance of cultivating wool as an article of merchandise. This seat is not, strictly speak. ing, in the House; so that when the Lord Chancellor, being a Peer, wishes to exercise his right to address the House irrespective of his position as Lord Chancellor, he advances three steps forward. He puts all questions to the House upon which a vote has to be taken, but it is no part of his duty to keep order or control the House, because the Peers do not acknowledge that any one of their number is superior to the rest; they are all Peers or equals.

THE HOUSE OF COMMONS.

The House of Commons is composed of the representatives of the third estate of the realm, the Commons, chosen according to law. It numbers 658 members, 404 of whom represent cities and boroughs, and 254 counties. England and Wales send 500, Scotland 53, and Ireland 105. These members are chiefly composed of country gentlemen, members of the learned professions, and successful merchants and manufacturers, who, either by their personal talents, social position, or wealth, have been able to inspire the electors of some portion of the country with confidence. Many of them are the sons and heirs of Peers, and some are Peers of Ireland who have been returned by English constituencies. The

Marquis of Hartington, son of the Duke of Devonshire, is an instance of the former; the late Lord Palmerston is an instance of the latter. Unlike the House of Lords, the House of Commons consists entirely of these elected members. No one has a seat by prescriptive right, and none but those elected are allowed to enter the chamber on any pretext whatever, except a few appointed officers.

Upon the day appointed for election, every elector who chooses attends at one of the places appointed, which are called "polling places," and there records his vote for the candidate he desires should represent him. In due time the returning officer adds up the number of votes polled by each candidate, and declares those having the largest number to be elected. In most cases where the candidates outnumber the seats possessed by a borough or county, each candidate employs a number of agents, who go from house to house asking the electors to vote for their employer, and urging reasons for doing so. Electors should not require this; they should make themselves acquainted with the qualifications of candidates without being canvassed, not only because the practice of canvassing leads to much unnecessary expense, but because it tempts the uneducated elector to regard his power to vote as a piece of property, which may be sold, rather than as imposing a duty to be discharged. Some electors, although they would refuse a bribe in money for their vote, often seek to obtain some advantage to themselves or their friends in exchange for it. Promises of personal advantage, however, are as much bribes as payment of money, and equally dishonourable; and those who are influenced in voting by motives of gain of any sort show themselves to be enemies to their country and undeserving of good government. So also those who seek to influence voters by improper means, by promises of advancement, or by threats of harm in the future, and those who use any means to hinder electors from voting freely, all do grievous harm to the country. Laws have accordingly been made

from time to time to punish those who misconduct themselves in this way, and on each occasion the law has been amended the punishment has been made more severe. Each elector should regard the vote he possesses as a trust, and remember that in voting he is bound to discharge that trust for the public good,-that, in fact, he is as responsible to the country for the motives which influence him in giving his vote as is any Member of Parliament for any vote he may give in the House of Commons itself.

Formerly, it was necessary that a man should possess a certain amount of property to qualify him to sit in Parliament; but now any one may be a member of the House of Commons who can induce a constituency to return him, except an alien, a minor, one mentally imbecile, a peer, a minister of the Established Churches of England and Scotland or a priest of the Roman Catholic Church, a judge other than the Master of the Rolls, a Government contractor other than a loan contractor, a bankrupt, and persons attainted of treason or felony, who are as dead

in law.

But inasmuch as attendance at the sittings of the House of Commons occupies a great deal of time, no one who has to earn his livelihood can afford to accept the position, because members of the House of Commons do not receive any pay whatever for any service they may render as members of Parliament, either by sitting and voting in the House or by sitting on Committees. Still the position is much coveted, because of the social distinction it carries with it, and the influence in the State which it confers. The position also carries with it its peculiar temptations. The votes of members of the House of Commons are often anxiously solicited in respect of certain measures called "private bills," which are promoted by persons who hope to benefit by them. Such persons would be not unwilling to give money for a vote if they thought such a bribe would be accepted; and on this account it is held to be inexpedient

that men of small means should to any great extent be induced to enter the House of Commons. Certainly, if we think only of what is desirable, we should all agree that every member of Parliament should be a paragon1o of honour, be perfectly secure from the influence of all baser motives, and never give a vote in favour of any measure unless he believes it will confer good upon the country.

Not only has the property qualification of members of Parliament been abolished, but changes have been made from time to time in the description of persons who are entitled to vote for Members of Parliament (commonly called the electoral qualification), in the number and character of the places represented (commonly called the constituencies), and in the number of members each constituency should return. These changes constitute what is called the Reform of Parliament, and are embodied in Reform Bills. The necessity for these reforms arises out of changes which are daily occurring throughout the country. Places which were once small villages, having no right to return a member, gradually grow into large towns; and large towns having that right lose their importance, from some cause or other, and decrease in population. When this is found to be the case, the right to return the members is transferred from the decaying town to the flourishing community. [From The British Constitution and Government, by F. Wicks (published in the Holborn Series).]

1

By courtesy.-Not by their own right, but by the politeness of other people.

2 Minors.-Persons under twenty-one years of age.

Politicians.-Men versed in politics, or the art of carrying on the government of a nation.

⚫ Men of letters.-Learned or literary

men.

The Lord Chancellor.-He is the chief lawyer in the land, just as the Arch

bishop of Canterbury is the chief clergyman.

Prescriptive right.-A right acquired by long or immemorial usage. "A constituency.-The whole body of electors in a county or borough.

An alien.-A foreigner. "Attainted of treason.-Convicted of disloyalty, or of an attempt to harm the sovereign or overthrow the govern ment.

10 A paragon.-A pattern or model.

ADVANTAGES OF TRUTH.

[TILLOTSON, born 1630, rose to be Archbishop of Canterbury. His Sermons, which, on account of his great celebrity as a divine, were purchased by a bookseller for no less than 2500 guineas, have ever since been admired as models of correct and elegant composition.]

TRUTH and reality have all the advantages of appearance, and many more. If the show of anything be good for anything, I am sure sincerity1 is better: for why does any man dissemble, or seem to be that which he is not, but because he thinks it good to have such a quality as he pretends to?-for to counterfeit and dissemble is to put on the appearance of some real excellency. Now, the best way in the world for a man to seem to be anything, is really to be what he would seem to be. Besides that, it is many times as troublesome to make good the pretence of a good quality as to have it; and if a man have it not, it is ten to ́one but he is discovered to want it, and then all his pains and labour to seem to have it are lost. There is something unnatural in painting, which a skilful eye will easily discern from native beauty and complexion.

It is hard to personate and act a part long; for where truth is not at the bottom, Nature will always be endeavouring to return, and will peep out and betray herself one time or other. Therefore, if any man think it convenient to seem good, let him be so indeed, and then his goodness will appear to everybody's satisfaction; so that, upon all accounts, sincerity is true wisdom. Particularly as to the affairs of this world, integrity hath many advantages over all the fine and artificial ways of dissimulation3 and deceit : it is much the plainer and easier, much the safer and more secure way of dealing in the world; it has less of trouble and difficulty, of entanglement and perplexity, of danger and hazard in it; it is the shortest and nearest way to our end, carrying us thither in a straight line, and will hold out and last longest. The arts of deceit and cunning do con