CHAPTER LI.

SETTLEMENT OF EUROPE AFTER THE TREATY OF TILSIT.
JANUARY 1808.

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JULY 1807—

chased, was its accession to the Continental System, and the closing of its ports to the ships of Great Britain; and that thus not only were they likely to be deprived of half their wonted revenue from their estates, by losing the principal market for their produce, but compelled to contribute to the aggrandisement of a rival empire, already too powerful for their independence, and which, it was foreseen, would ere long aim a mortal stroke at their national existence. So strong and universal were these feelings among the whole aristocratic and commercial circles, that when General Savary, whom Napoleon had chosen as his ambassador at the Russian capital, on account of the address he had exhibit

1. IF the treaty of Tilsit was productive of glory to the Emperor Napoleon, and transport and opulence to the citizens of his victorious capital, it was the commencement of a period of suffering, ignominy, and bondage to the other capitals and countries of continental Europe. Russia, it was true, had extricated herself unscathed from the strife; her military renown had suffered no diminution on the field of Eylau, or in the struggle of Friedland; it was apparent to all the world that she had been overpowered by banded Europe, not conquered by France in the strife. But still she had failed in the object of the war. Her arms, instead of being advanced to the Rhine, were thrown back to the Niemen; in indignant silence her warriors had re-ed, and the favour with which he had entered their country, and surrendered to their irresistible rivals the mastery of western Europe. If the Czar had been seduced by the artifices of Napoleon, or dazzled by the halo of glory which encircled his brows; if the army was proud of having so long arrested, with inferior forces, the conqueror before whom the Austrian and Prussian monarchies had sunk to the dust, the nobles were not carried away by the general illusion. They saw clearly, amidst the flattery which was lavished on their rulers, the gilded chains which were imposed on their country. They could not disguise from themselves that France had not only acquired by this treaty an irresistible preponderance in western and central Europe, but subjected Russia herself to her command; that the price to the Empire of the Czar, at which all the advantages of the treaty had been pur

been received by Alexander at the time of the battle of Austerlitz, arrived at St Petersburg, he experienced, by his own avowal, the utmost difficulty in finding any furnished hotel where he could obtain admission; and during the first six weeks of his stay there, though he was overwhelmed with attentions from the Emperor, he did not receive one invitation from any of the nobility. While he saw the guests whom he met at the palace depart in crowds to the balls and concerts of that scene of festivity, he himself returned, mortified and disconsolate, from the imperial table to his own apartments.*

* In Savary's case the general aversion to the which he was known to have taken in the cause of France was increased by the part murder of the Duke d'Enghien, which had been one of the leading causes of the irritaed at having extricated himself with credit tion that led to the war. Napoleon, charmfrom so perilous and unprofitable a contest,

2. In the British dominions the dis- in the wilderness. The prospect of astrous intelligence produced a differ- the nearest part of futurity, of all that ent, but perhaps still more mournful we can discover, is very dismal. The impression. England was, by her mere establishment of absolute power maritime superiority, relieved from the in France is the least part of the evil: apprehensions of immediate danger, it might be necessary for a time to and the general resolution to main-moderate the vibrations of the pendutain the contest continued unabated; lum in that agitated state; but what but a feeling of despondence pervaded are the external effects of these conthe public mind, and the strife was vulsions? Europe is now covered with persevered in rather with the stern- a multitude of dependent despots, ness of dogged resistance, or from a whose existence depends on their mainsense of the impossibility of making a taining the paramount tyranny in secure accommodation, than from any France. The mischief has become too hope that the war could be brought to intricate to be unravelled in our day; a successful issue. This general im- an evil greater than despotism, or pression cannot be better portrayed rather the worst and most hideous than in the words of Sir James Mack- form of despotism, approaches; a intosh, the able champion, in its ear- monarchy literally universal seems lier days, of the French Revolution: about to be established; then all "I do not indeed despair of the hu- the spirit, variety, and emulation man race; but the days and nights of of separate nations, which the worst mighty revolutions have not yet been forms of internal government have measured by human intellect. Though not utterly extinguished, will vanthe whole course of human affairs may ish. And in that state of things, be towards a better state, experience if we may judge from past examples, does not justify us in supposing that the whole energy of human intellect many steps of the progress may not be and virtue will languish, and can scarce immediately for the worse. The race be revived otherwise than by an infuof man may at last reach the promised sion of barbarism." Such were the land; but there is no assurance that anticipations of the greatest intellects the present generation will not perish of the age, even among those who had gave the most positive injunctions to his originally been most favourable to the envoy at the Russian court at all hazards to democratic principle, and that, too, on avoid its renewal. "I have just concluded the eve of the Peninsular campaigus, peace," "said he to Savary; "they tell me I and at no great distance from the genehave done wrong, and that I shall repent it; ral resurrection of Europe after the but, by my faith, we have had enough of war -we must give repose to the world. I am Moscow retreat a memorable example going to send you to St Petersburg as charge of the fallacy of any political conclud'affaires till an ambassador is appointed. sions founded upon the supposed duYou will have the direction of my affairs there: lay it down as the ruling principle rability of the causes at any one time of your conduct than any further contest is in operation; and of the oblivion of to be avoided; nothing would displease me that provision for the remedy of inso much as to be involved in that quarter in tolerable evils, by the reaction of manfresh embarrassments. Talleyrand will tell you what to do, and what has been arranged kind against the suffering of these, between the Emperor of Russia and me. and of the general intermixture of the I am about to give repose to the army in the principles of good and evil in human country we have conquered, and to enforce payment of the contributions; that is the affairs, which, as it is the most general only difficulty which I anticipate; but regu- lesson to be deduced from history, so late yourself by this principle, that I will on is it fitted above all others to inspire no account be again drawn into a contest. moderation in prosperous and conNever speak of war; in conversation studiously avoid everything which may give stancy in adverse affairs. offence; contravene no usage; ridicule no

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3. The political changes consequent custom. Neglect nothing which may draw in central Europe on the treaty of Tilcloser and perpetuate the bonds of alliance now contracted with that country. sit were speedily developed. On his SAVARY, iii. 96, 97; and HARDENBERG, X. 29. | route to Paris, Napoleon met a deputa

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tion of eight of the principal nobles, | aristocratic legislature, and public
in the French interest, of Prussian Po- orators, cast like all those at this
land at Dresden; and Talleyrand, in period from the Parisian mould. The
a few days, produced a constitution throne was declared hereditary in the
for the grand-duchy, calculated, as he family of Jerome Buonaparte, the
thought, at once to satisfy the general Emperor's brother, and the first sove-
wish for a restoration of their nation- reign; one half of the allodial terri-
ality, and to accord with the despotic tories of the former sovereigns, of
views of the Emperors of the East and which the new kingdom was composed,
West. By this deed, which was pro- was placed at the disposal of Napoleon,
duced with more than usual rapidity as a fund from which to form estates
even in those days of constitution- for his military followers; provision
manufacture, the ducal crown was de- was made for payment of the contri-
clared to be hereditary in the Saxon butions levied by France, before any
family: the grand-duke was invested part of the revenue was obtained by
with the whole executive power, and the new sovereign; the kingdom was
he alone had the privilege of proposing directed to form part of the Confede-
laws to the diet, with whom the pre- ration of the Rhine, and its military
rogative remained of passing or re- contingent, drawn from a population
jecting them.
This diet was com- of about two millions of souls, fixed
posed of a senate of eighteen, named at twenty-five thousand men: in de-
by the grand-duke, embracing six fault of heirs-male of his body, the
bishops and twelve lay nobles, and a succession to the throne was to de-
chamber of deputies of a hundred volve on Napoleon and his heirs by
members; sixty being appointed by birth or adoption. Every corporate
the nobility, and forty by the burghs. right and privilege was abolished; trial
The chambers, like those at Paris, by jury and in open court introduced
were doomed to silence; they could in criminal cases; all exclusive privi-
only decide on the arguments laid be- leges and exemptions from taxation
fore them, on the part of the govern- annulled; the nobility preserved, but
ment, by the orators of the council of deprived of their former invidious
state, and of the chambers by com- rights. The chamber of deputies con-
missions appointed by them. This sisted of a hundred members, of whom
mockery of a parliament was to as- seventy were chosen from the landed
semble only once in two years, and aristocracy, fifteen from the commer-
then to sit but fifteen days. The ar- cial, and fifteen from the literary classes.
dent plebeian noblesse of Poland, Salutary changes! if the equality
whose democratic passions had so long which they were calculated to induce
brought desolation on their country, was the enjoyment of equal rights
found little in these enactments to and general security; but utterly fatal
gratify their wishes; but a substan- to freedom, if they were only fitted to
tial, though perhaps precipitate im- introduce an equality of servitude,
provement was made in the condition and disable any individuals or associ-
of the peasantry, by a clause declaring ated bodies from taking the lead in
that the whole serfs were free. No the contest for the public liberties
time, however, was left for reflection; the with the executive power.
deputies were constrained to accept it;
and the new constitution of Poland was
not only framed, but sworn to at Dres-
den during the brief period of Napole-
on's sojourn there on his route to Paris.
4. The constitution given to the
infant kingdom of Westphalia was, in
like manner, framed entirely upon the
model of that of France. It contained
a king, council of state, senate, silent

5. The states of the Rhenish confederacy had flattered themselves that the general peace concluded on the shores of the Niemen would finally deliver them from the scourge of warlike armaments and military contributions. But they were soon cruelly undeceived. Shortly after the general pacification, and before they had recovered from the burden of maintaining, clothing,

ions, the King and Queen repaired to
Memel, where they were compelled to
sign a fresh convention, which, under
pretext of providing for the liquidation
of the contributions and speeedy eva-
cuation of their territories, in effect

of relief, to those intolerable burdens.
By this treaty it was provided that
the evacuation of the fortresses, with
the exception of Stettin, Cüstrin, and
Glogau, should take place before the
1st November; but this only on the
condition that the whole contributions
were previously paid up-a condition
which it was well known could not be
complied with, as they amounted to
above four times the revenue of the
whole kingdom before its dismember-
ment,* in addition to the burden of
feeding, clothing, paying, and lodging
above one hundred and fifty thousand
men, for which no credit was given in
estimating their amourt by the French

and lodging the numerous corps of the
Grand Army which traversed their
territories on the road to the Rhine,
they were overwhelmed by the entry
of a fresh body of forty thousand men,
who issued from France, and took the
route to the Vistula, still at the sole ex-subjected them, without any prospect
pense of the allied states. They were
speedily followed by a large body of
Spaniards drawn from Italy, and which
went to augment the corps of Romana,
under the orders of Bernadotte, on the
shores of the Baltic; a sad omen for
succeeding times, when the conclusion
of peace was immediately succeeded by
fresh irruptions of armed men, and
burdensome preparations, at the cost
of the allied states, for future hostili-
ties. It soon appeared that the stipu-
lations in favour of the conquered ter-
ritories in the formal treaties were to
be a mere empty name. It had been
provided at Tilsit that Dantzic was to
be a free city, governed by its own
magistrates; but Rapp, the new gover-commissaries. By a recond conven-
nor, was speedily introduced at the
head of a numerous French garrison,
who summarily expelled the Prussian
authorities and great part of the in-
habitants, and began the rigorous en-
forcement of the French military con-
tributions and the Continental System.
The same system of government was
sternly acted upon in Hamburg, Bre-
men, Lübeck, and all the Hanse
Towns; Bourrienne continued to en-
force it with such severity at Ham-
burg, that the trade of the place was
entirely ruined, and large sums were
remitted by him quarterly to the Tuil-
eries out of the last fruits of the com-
mercial enterprise of the Hanse Towns.
6. But most of all did the ruthless
hand of conquest fall with unmitigated
rigour on the inhabitants of Prussia.
Hard as their lot appeared to be, as it
was chalked out in the treaty of Tilsit,
it was yet enviable compared to that
which, in the course of the pacification
which followed, actually ensued from
the oppressive exactions of the French
government and the unbounded inso-
lence of its soldiery. Immediately
after the conclusion of the treaty
which reft them of half their domin-

VOL. VIL

tion, concluded at Elbing three months
afterwards, the unhappy monarch, in-
stead of the single military road through
his territories from Dresden to War-
saw, stipulated by the treaty of Tilsit,
was compelled to allow five passages,
two for troops and three for commer-
cial purposes, to Saxony, Poland, and
their respective allies a stipulation
which in effect cut his dominions
through the middle, and subjected the
inhabitants on these roads to unnum-
bered exactions and demands both
from the French and allied troops.
Rapp, soon after, instead of a territory
of two leagues in breadth around the
walls of Dantzic, as provided in the
treaty, seized upon one two German
miles, or eight English miles broad,
counting from the extreme point of its
outworks; while by a third convention,
in the beginning of November, Prussia
was not only forced to cede to the
Grand-duchy of Warsaw New Silesia
and the circle of Michelau,-no incon-
siderable addition to the losses, already

* They amounted to 600,000,000 francs, or
fore the war, was about £6,000,000.-Ante,
£24,000,000, and the revenue of Prussia, be-
Chap. XLVI., § 77, note.

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