"The

its course, several months were allowed to pass away, lest the Commons might repeat their demand; but at length, on the 1st of December, 1646, a book was published, entitled, "Jus Divinum Regiminis Ecclesiastici ; or The Divine Right of Church Government Asserted and Evidenced by the Holy Scriptures. By sundry Ministers of Christ within the City of London." This work is an express and direct answer to the Parliament's questions respecting divine right, following these questions in their order, and giving to them a distinct reply point by point, confirming every argument by Scripture proofs, and by quotations from the writings of learned and able ecclesiastical authors. Judging from internal evidence, in matter, manner, and style, it appears almost certain that this work at least embodies the substance of the answer prepared by the Assembly, somewhat enlarged and modified by the city ministers, in whose name it was published. This idea is not set aside by the manner in which it is noticed by Baillie, who says, ministers of London have put out this day a very fine book, proving from Scripture the divine right of every part of the Presbyterial government." * We do not mean to assert, that the work published by the city ministers was the identical production of the Assembly; but that so much of the one was transfused into the other as to render them to all practical intents one work, and to relieve us from any cause to regret that the Assembly's answer was not published. On the seventh day after the appearance of this book, the House of Commons requested the Assembly to give in their answers to the jus divinum queries, as if to intimate their suspicion with regard to the authorship of the recent publication; but this demand was not again repeated, and no direct notice was taken of the book itself But whether the work in question was to any considerable extent the production of the Assembly Divines or not, this at least is certain, that it is the most complete and able defence of Presbyterian Church government that has yet appeared, and places its divine right on a foundation which will not easily be shaken.f

Allusion has been made to events of great public impor* Baillie, vol. ii. p. 411.

† A reprint of this work would be a very valuable contribution to the Presbyterian cause in the present day.

tance, which contributed not a little to change the tone of the Parliament. These may be briefly mentioned. The military affairs of the year 1645 terminated most disastrously for the king. All his armies were beaten out of the field, and he was constrained to retreat to Oxford with the wreck of his troops, and there to try what could be gained by intrigues and negotiations, since he could no longer maintain an open war. During the course of these negotiations there arose a degree of alienation between the English Parliament and the Scottish commissioners and Parliament, which threatened an open rupture. The English Parliament, influenced by Cromwell and his friends, were not desirous of peace; while the Scottish commissioners made every effort to procure such terms as the king might accept without absolute submission. It was while their temper was in this high and heated state, that the English Parliament treated the petitions of the city ministers, and of the Assembly itself, with that scant courtesy, if not rather overbearing haughtiness, which has been already related. Elated with success, they could not brook the firm and fearless attitude assumed by the Presbyterian divines, and resented the remonstrances of the Scottish commissioners and Parliament, as an improper interference with their imperial dignity. At this very juncture the king, despairing of obtaining from the English Parliament any terms to which he could accede, left Oxford in disguise, on the 27th of April, and after wandering about for a few days, arrived at the quarters of the Scottish army, which was besieging Newark, on the 5th of May, 1646. This was totally unexpected by either the army or the commissioners of Scotland; for though his majesty had attempted to induce the Scottish general and Committee of Estates to espouse his cause against the Parliament, he had received such an answer from them as rendered it, in their opinion, impossible that he would put himself into their power. No sooner was this event known in London than the tone and temper of the Parliament was very sensibly changed. They perceived that it was no longer safe to treat the remonstrances of Scotland with disrespect; and as they were well aware how much the establishment of Presbyterian Church government in both kingdoms was longed for by the Scottish Church and peo

ple, they deemed it expedient to remove some of the obstacles by which this had been hitherto prevented.

Up till this time the ordinance of March 14, for the choice of ruling elders and the erection of presbyteries, had not received the full ratification of the House of - Lords; and even if it had, it would have been inoperative, because the ministers were resolute not to become members of Presbyteries, so long as they were subject to such Erastian interference, and so bereft of their due powers, as would have been the case under that ordinance. But on the 5th of June both Houses not only ratified the ordinance, and on the 9th issued an order that it should be immediately put into execution,* but also at the same time laid aside the clause respecting provincial commissioners to judge of new cases of scandal,-thus removing the main obstacle to its reception by the ministers. This concession having been made, the Assembly Divines and the city ministers met at Sion College, on the 19th of June, and after some conference, agreed upon a declaration, expressing approbation of what had been done, specifying what was still defective, and declaring that they now conceive it to be their duty to put in practice the present settlement, as far as they conceive it correspondent with the Word of God.t

The actual erection of Presbyteries did not immediately. follow this ordinance of Parliament, and consent of the Assembly and the city ministers; for the attention of the whole community was strongly attracted to the negotiations between the king and the Parliaments of the two kingdoms, as also between the two Parliaments themselves. It scarcely falls within our province to relate even an outline of the political intrigues which distracted the kingdom for many months after his majesty's retreat to the Scottish army; yet so much must be stated as is necessary to explain the bearing of these events upon the proceedings of the Assembly. There is every reason to believe that the determination of the king to seek a retreat in the Scottish army, was the result of a complication of circumstances and of intrigues,-circumstances which he * Whitelocke, p. 213.

† Baillie, vol. ii. p. 377; Neal, vol. ii. p. 396. In this instance also the account of Neal is unfair and inaccurate, to use no harsher terms.

could not control, and intrigues in which he and his adherents were mutually deceivers and deceived. The fortune of war had been decisively against him, so that he could no longer expect to recover his power by conquest; and the demands of the Parliament rose with their success, so that he was constrained to contemplate the necessity of submission, if he could not contrive to divide his victorious antagonist. For that purpose he carried on a series of intrigues with all parties that would listen to him, particularly with the Independents in both army and Parliament. The decided ground taken by the Scottish Parliament, Church, and nation, in behalf of their religious liberties, as stated in their Covenant, which he regarded with intense hostility, rendered him unwilling to hold intercourse with them, and at the same time made it more than doubtful whether any measure of success could be expected to follow such an attempt. But the disagreement which took place between the English Parliament and the Scottish commissioners seemed to give some reason to hope that, by skilful management, it might at last be possible to disunite the kingdoms, and through their disunion to recover his own ascendency over both. A French agent was sent to the Scottish army to sound the Committee of Estates, who were with it; and upon receiving a half-favorable report from this agent, the king resolved to go in person to the Scottish army,-hoping, by such an apparent act of confidence in their honor and loyalty, to render it impossible for them to do otherwise than espouse his cause. But his private agent deceived him, he deceived himself,and the Scottish generals and statesmen were not deceived.

At the very first interview which the king had with his Scottish subjects, they gave him distinctly to know, that they neither could nor would do anything contrary to their engagement with England in the Solemn League and Covenant, or to the spirit of that sacred document. And in a letter to the Committee of both kingdoms, written immediately after his majesty's arrival, they declared, "That they were astonished at the providence of the king's coming to their army; and desired that it might be improved to the best advantage for promoting the work of uniformity, for settling of religion and righteousness, and attaining of peace, according to the Covenant and Treaty,

by advice of the Parliaments of both kingdoms, or their commissioners: And they further declare, that there hath been no treaty betwixt his majesty and them; and in so deep a business they desire the advice of the Committee of both kingdoms." The king soon perceived that he had both overrated his own personal influence and undervalued the power of religious principle, that he had deceived himself, and had now to do with men who were too sagacious to be deluded, and too high-principled to be turned from the path of integrity and truth. Finding that he was not likely to gain the object which he had in view, the king wrote to the English Parliament, requesting permission "to come to London with safety, freedom, and honor;" declaring that he was resolved" to comply with the Houses in what should be most for the good of his subjects. The Parliament itself had previously resolved to demand the king's person, declaring, "That in England the disposal of him belonged to the Parliament of England, and that the Scots army were in pay of the Parliament of England; that the king ought to be near his Parliament; and that this was consonant to the Covenant." And in order to get quit of the Scottish army as quickly as possible, they voted, a few days afterwards, "That this kingdom had no further need of the army of their brethren the Scots in this kingdom." So early was it apparent that the English Parliament was determined to obtain possession of their sovereign's person, and that the Scottish nation could not f) otherwise protect him than by friendly negotiation, so as to secure a peace including his safety;Vor by declaring war against England in his behalf, contrary to their obli gations in the Solemn League and Covenant, and contrary to their own determination to defend religious liberty,—of which the king was the known and determined enemy. This they saw clearly; and being at the same time aware of the republican inclinations of Cromwell and his strong party, they perceived that the only way in which they could interfere to preserve his majesty, without incurring the guilt of perjury, was to persuade him, if possible, to sign the Covenant, and consent to the establishment of Presbyterian Church government. But to this no force of argument, no urgency of persuasion, no tearful earnest * Whitelocke, p. 210.

† Ibid.