plantations, as well as with other parts of the world, to British built ships belonging to the subjects of England, or to her plantations. Not contented with thus confining the colonial export trade to the parent country, parliament in 1663 limited the import trade in the same manner. These acts, indeed, left free the trade and intercourse between the colonies. But even this privilege remained only a short period. In 1672 certain colonial products, transported from one colony to another, were subjected to duties. White sugars were to pay five shillings, and brown sugars one shilling and sixpence, per hundred ;-tobacco and indigo one penny, and cotton wool a half-penny, per pound. The colonists deemed these acts highly injurious to their interests. They were deprived of the privilege of seeking the best market for their products, and of receiving in exchange the articles they wanted, without being charged the additional expense of a circuitous route through England. The acts themselves were considered by some as a violation of their charter rights; in Massachusetts they were, for a long time, totally disregarded. The other colonies viewed them in the same light. Virginia presented a petition for their repeal; and Rhode Island declared them unconstitutional, and con trary to their charter. The Carolinas, also, declared them not less grievous and illegal. The disregard of these enactments on the part of the colonies--a disregard which sprung from a firm conviction of their illegal and oppressive character--occasioned loud and clamorous complaints in England. The revenue it was urged would be injured; and the dependence of the colonies on the parent country would, in time, be totally destroyed. Here much interesting matter might be introduced, but nothing more than a general sketch is intended.

A similar sensibility prevailed on the subject of manufactures. For many years after their settlement, the colonies were too much occupied in subduing their lands, to engage in other business. When, at length, they turned their attention to them, the varieties were few, and of coarse and imperfect texture. But even these were viewed with a jealous eye. In 1699, commenced a systematic course of restrictions on colonial manufactures, by an enactment of parliament, "That no wool, yarn, or woollen manufactures of their American plantations, should be shipped there, or even laden, in order to be transported thence, to any place whatever." Other acts followed, in subsequent years, having for their object the suppression of manufactures in America, and the continued dependence of the colonies on the parent country. In 1719, the house of commons declared, "That the erecting of manufactories in the

colonies, tended to lessen their dependence on Great Britain." In 1731, the board of trade reported to the house of commons, "That there were more trades carried on, and manufactures set up, in the provinces on the continent of America, to the northward of Virginia, prejudicial to the trade and manufactures of Great Britain, particularly in New England;" they suggested "whether it might not be expedient, in order to keep the colonies properly dependent upon the parent country, and to render her manufactures of service to the government, " to give those colonies some encouragement." From the London company of hatters, loud complaints were made to parliament, and suitable restrictions demanded upon the exportation of hats, which were manufactured in New England, and exported to various places, to the serious injury of their trade. In consequence of these representations, the exportations of hats from the colonies to foreign countries, and from one plantation to another, were prohibited; and even restraints, to a certain extent, were imposed on their manufacture. In 1731, it was enacted, that hats should neither be shipped, nor even laden upon a horsecart or other carriage, with a view to transportation to any other colony, or to any place whatever; no hatter should employ more than two apprentices at once, nor make hats, unless he had served as an apprentice to the trade seven years; and, that no negro should be allowed to work at the business at all. The complaints and the claims of the manufacturers of iron were of an equally selfish character. The colonists might reduce the iron ore into pigs-they might convert it into bars-it might be furnished them duty free; but the English must have the profit of manufacturing it, beyond this incipient stage. Similar success awaited the representations and petitions of this trade. In this year, 1750, parliament allowed the importation of pig and bar iron from the colonies, into London, duty free; but prohibited the erection or continuance of any mill or other engine, for slitting or rolling iron, or any plating forge, to work with a tilt-hammer, or any furnace for making steel, in the colonies, under the penalty of two hundred pounds. Every such mill, engine, or plating forge, was declared a common nuisance; and the governors of the colonies, on the information of two witnesses, on oath, were directed to cause the same to be removed within thirty days, or to forfeit the sum of £500. It appears that no sooner did the colonies, emerging from the feebleness and poverty of their early settlements, begin to direct their attention to commerce and manufactures, than they were subjected by the parent country to many vexatious regulations, which seemed to indicate, that with regard to those subjects, the

colonies were expected to follow that line of policy, which she in her wisdom should mark out for them. At every indication of colonial prosperity, the complaints of the commercial and manufacturing interests of Great Britain; were loud and clamorous. Repeated demands were made upon the government, to correct the growing evil, and to keep the colonies in due subjection. "The colonies," said the complainants, " are beginning to carry on trade; they will soon be our formidable rivals; they are already setting up manufactures; they will soon set up for independence." To the increase of this feverish excitement in the parent country, the English writers of those days contributed not a little. As early as 1670, in a work entitled, "Discourse on Trade," published by Sir Joshua Child, is the following language, which expresses the prevailing opinion of the day :-" New England is the most prejudicial plantation to this kingdom; of all the American plantations, his majesty has none so apt for the building of shipping, as New England; nor any comparably so qualified for the breeding of seamen, not only by reason of the natural industry of that people, but principally by reason of their fisheries; and in my poor opinion, there is nothing more prejudicial, and in prospect more dangerous to any mother kingdom, than the increase of shipping in her colonies." Such was their condition, that if they made a hat, or a piece of steel, an act of parliament calls it a nuisance; a tilting hammer, a steel furnace, must be removed as a nuisance. Cutting off our trade with all parts of the world, was a principal reason that originated the declaration of independence. All Europe, who dreaded America, were urging England forward in her restrictive policy with the colonies.

These restrictions led to grievances, and complaints from the colonies, which finally ended in their independence.

As soon as the United States were recognised and acknowledged in her national compact, other nations as well as England crowded their manufactures into the new and hungry market. The country was then bare of European commodities. The flooding of the country with foreign articles rendered it unnecessary and impracticable to establish manufactures in any part of the Union. The condition of Europe soon called for the products of the soil, and the activity of commerce caused the merchants to flourish, and these, by furnishing a market, enriched the farmers and other inhabitants. This enabled them to give enormous prices for European and India goods: so nothing was done of importance, even to lay a foundation for future supplies of American domestic goods.

French and English fabrics were introduced, by all the interest of commercial men, and they were encouraged by all the rage of fashion. With such seeming kindness, the power of the states were rendered inoperative, and their resources expended. Their condition was similar to that of the Corsicans, who after they had gained and substantiated their independence under the patriotic and heroic Paoli, were swindled out of their liberty and reduced to servitude by an influx of Italian silks and trinkets from Naples. (See Boswell's History of Corsica.)

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Nothing but a particular exigence, and the state of European affairs, during the reign of Napoleon, prevented the ruin of this republic, by the astonishing importation of foreign productions. The non-intercourse and non-importation laws raised the prices of all articles, before any energetic means were used to manufacture for ourselves. The rage for English goods, and for the luxuries of the East, had become so general, that no cost could prevent their use, and not merely a common use, but even an extravagant expenditure.

The daughters of the self-denying matrons, known to fame, in the stories of the first resistance to Great-Britain, in renouncing the use of tea-used profusely the best hyson and gunpowder imperial; so that these expensive kinds were more generally used, in the States, than in any other country in the world. Instead of the homespun coats and gowns formerly prided in, British broad cloths and French silks, were in common use, and the thirst and demands of fashion were insatiable. The people had passed from one extreme to another. No laws, either of non-importation or non-intercourse, could prevent such articles finding a way into our principal cities, and from thence into our country villages, where they brought an exorbitant price. So that millions of dollars were taken from us annually, to supply our wives and daughters with chips from Italy, and bonnets from Leghorn.

Even the war of 1812 with Great Britain, did not stop the use, but rather increased the desire for every thing foreign.

The restrictive policy failing, the state of the treasury urged to the expedient of an equalised tariff, upon the goods of all foreign nations at peace with the United States. This policy soon restored the exhausted revenue, and enabled the government to sustain the war, till a peace could be had on honourable terms.

The suddenness of the peace, unexpected and unforeseen, caused a flood of every description of articles, so that the markets were completely glutted. Many goods on hand, fell to one third of their previous prices on the merchant's hands. This dis

couraged the infant establishments, which had been called into existence, by the emergency of war, to supply our necessities; they were not only disheartened but ruined, and many companies failed and lost their all. This state of affairs even threatened their total dissolution; a few only weathered the storm, and maintained a firm standing. To the undaunted perseverance of those few establishments, we owe the present progress and triumph of our improved manufactures.

By the introduction of the best and latest machinery, and with the advantages of New England water-power, they have survived every attack, surmounted every obstacle, and overcome every difficulty. Irish linens and India cottons, which once supplied our markets, are now but little known. An immense quantity of our cotton cloths are sold at a very low price, and are consumed in all parts of the Union, both plain and printed; as well as large exportations to South America, where they are in high repute, and have driven the British and India goods out of those markets.

Samuel Slater, the father of our manufacture of cotton, lived to see this astonishing change, and the successful operation of what he had first introduced, by unwavering firmness, under various and now unknown discouragements; which may teach us "Not to despise the day of small things." Slater commenced with seventy-two spindles, in a clothier's shop at Pawtucket, and did not find ready sale for his yarn after he had spun it. The first students of the university of Oxford in England first recited in a barn, in the time of Alfred; and the most splendid establishments, as well as the greatest of empires, commenced from small beginnings. We cannot, at present, foresee the wonderful extension of our manufactures; they are destined to supersede all that have ever existed before them in any part of the world.

A cold indifference on this subject exists, even in the manufacturing districts. There is not that decided preference, and patriotic attachment, to our own productions, as there undoubtedly ought to be, but a deplorable infatuation, after every thing foreign and far fetched.

"Are you sure that it is not American?" is the question often put, when articles are offered for sale. Domestic goods have been treated with too much contempt, even by those who earn their bread by their production. This apathy, this monstrous destitution of patriotism, must be removed, and the predilection for the fabrics of Europe and India goods, must be frowned down, before our manufactures of fine goods and silks can be established on a permanent basis. If they ever arrive at greater perfection; if they