influence which, during the Marian persecution, shielded the CHAP. III youthful promise of Whitgift'. Whatever again might be thought of the moral effect of his example, it could scarcely be denied that his subsequent efforts were directed to the welfare of his university'. At Peterhouse, the fellows could mark the gradual formation of a library which might compare with any similar collection in England. The colleges at large were materially benefited by a measure of reform, concerning which we have hereafter to speak, of which he was the reputed author. And both the university and the town were indebted to his energy for a signal contribution to their comfort and well-being. On the whole, the impres sion we derive from the study of his career, is that of a tolerant and humane nature, wanting perhaps in elements of heroism or greatness, and aiming rather at the happiness of his species than at the assertion of any particular doctrine in theology, but gifted with a sense, rare indeed in those days, that even theological unanimity was a blessing that might be realised at too dear a price. sity for the the tra It must however have been a sore humiliation to Perne, Reparation when, before his year of office had expired, he found himself the uni called upon to take part in a measure which involved the traient of strongest condemnation of an act to which he had himself of Ice and given at least a formal sanction. In July, 1560, in pursuance of instructions received from the ecclesiastical commissioners, the university proceeded to make the only reparation in its power for the inhuman insult offered in Perne's first vice-chancellorship to the remains of Bucer and Fagius. A grace passed the Senate, without a dissentient vote, that the degrees and titles of honour which the deceased had 1 Paule (Sir G.), Life of Whitgift, pp. 5-6. In this respect, the master of Peterhouse signally differed from Dr Martial, the dean of Christchurch. The latter who, in the facility with which he changed his belief accord. ing to the times, almost rivalled Dr Perne, was distinguished as a per-ecutor. The one protected Whitgift, while the other persecuted Jewell. See Wood-Bliss, Fasti 1 136. The university,' says one of his defenders, had not a more careful father this hundred years.' Strype, Life of Whitgift, 19. The bringing the waters of Shelford to Cambridge, designated by Cooper (4th. 11. 48) as that useful and necessary work.' CHAP. I enjoyed should be restored and all acts and proceedings against them and their doctrines be rescinded'. On the thirtieth of the month, the members of the university assembled in Great St Mary's, where once again there rustled on the walls verses in honour of the illustrious dead. Ackworth, the public orator, delivered an address, and James Pilkington, now regius professor of divinity, preached a sermon,both alike descanting on the virtues of the late professors. Pilkington, who had been one of Bucer's most intimate. friends, dwelt with severity on the sacrilegious cruelty of the act which they were now assembled as far as possible to efface, comparing it to the savage animosity with which pope Stephen VI had wreaked his hatred on the corpse of Formosus, and, more aptly perhaps, to that conciliar edict which consigned the ashes of Wyclif to the river'. Then, after prayer and praise, and thanksgivings offered up for many blessings, but especially for the restoration of the true and sincere religion, the congregation dispersed. As regarded Bucer, it is gratifying to note that many years later an opportunity presented itself of offering more substantial reparation. In 1593, his grandson, Wolfgang Meier, arrived in England from Basel with the design of studying at Cambridge. He received from the Crown a grant sufficient for his maintenance, and on arriving in the university was elected to the benefit of a fellow's commons at Trinity'. After passing through his course with distinction he returned to Basel, and was there appointed pastor of the church where his grandfather had once taught'. Four years passed away during which no event of primary importance disturbed the quiet of either Oxford or Cambridge. It appears to have been generally admitted that the national want which the two universities were especially designed to supply,-that of maintaining and educating those who were destined to be the religious in 1 Cooper, Annals, п 161. * Concio D. Jacobi Pylkintoni in Restitutione D. Martini Buceri et Jauit Faqi: see Historia rera, etc. (1702), pp. 160–2. See lord Stafford's interesting letter to Wolfgang Meier: Zürich Letters (2), pp. 322-3. Ibid., n 1, Hoffmann, Ler. Univ. the gift of etc. prom the local students structors of the laity,—was great and urgent', and to meet- CHAP. 13 ing this the injunctions of the Crown and the chief efforts of the academic authorities were now directed. A royal Livings in letter, dated the 26th of March, 1560, refers to the fact that the Crem 'the study of divinity and the Scriptures are at this present to dis much decayed within the university of Cambridge,' and further announces that both the prebends in the royal gift and those in the gift of the Keeper of the Great Seal are henceforth to be bestowed on the most promising students of theology. Amid the dissatisfaction of the clergy at the rapacity which Elizabeth and her courtiers had already begun to display in relation to the revenues of the Curch, this intimation was probably as politic as it was well-timed. Another concession conciliated all pa ties except the most advanced section of the Reformers. This was the permission These of a accorded to use a Latin version of the authorized Prayer- of the Praye Book in the chapels of the colleges of both universities as well as in those of the colleges of Winchester and Eton,- chapis a favour granted in direct response to a petition representing that familiarity with the Latin tongue would be thereby promoted, and that this in turn would result in a richer growth of theology'. A third measure, enacted at nearly the same time, could not fail to be gratifying to all parties in the university. 1 See the remarkable evidence on this point coutained in the Report respecting the Archdeaconry of London, sent in at the requisition of Parker in 1562. From this it ap pears that some of the beneficed clergy held three or four, and one, five livings together; that few or none of the curates were graduates; that many of the vicars, nay, and parsons, were non-graduates; that not above a third part of thein were preachers; that as for their learning, it was commonly set down, Latine aliquod (sic) verba intelligit. Latine utcunque intelligit. Latine pauca intelli. git.' Strype, Life of Parker, p. 95: bk. 11 c. 5. Robert Stokes, B.D. of Queens' College, vicar of Hackney, 4 pious and good scholar, is singled out by Strype as a rare and pleasing * Cooper, Annals, 11 159. quoniam intelligimus collegia utriusque academiae, Cantabrigiensis et Oxoniensis, collegium item novum prope Wintoniam, et Etonense, bonis litteris dedicata, supplicibus votis petere, ut quo sacrarum litterarum monumenta Latina ad uberiorem theologine fructum eis reddantur magis familiaria, eis liceat eadem forma precum Latine uti, etc. Cardweil, Documentary Annals, 1218. This was the renewal and extension, by royal charter, of the of rights and privileges of the academic community in its relations to the town authorities. The legal prosecutions instituted by the latter were often of a vexatious, not to say malicious, character; while, again, the town magistrates appear to have found a special pleasure in refusing to imprison or in prematurely liberating those whom the university had marked out for legal punishment. Against both these forms of annoyance the charter now issued provided a more effectual safeguard by the fuller jurisdiction which it vested in the chancellor, masters, and scholars over all members of the university alike in civil and criminal charges (mayhem and felony only excepted), and in all trespasses of the peace, and misprisions within the town begun and done,' to the complete exclusion of the ordinary municipal courts and officers'. By the statutes enacted in the year 1559, the Edwardian code, as has already been stated, regained for the most part its validity, and the position of the heads of houses was thus restored to its former somewhat indefinite character. Beyond the fact of their being constituted assessors of the vicechancellor in imposing penalties for the violation of the statutes or injunctions in cases where no express penalty was already prescribed, they possessed no privileges beyond those attaching to their academical degrees. The Marian statutes, it is true, had largely augmented their privileges, but the Marian statutes can scarcely be said to have ever been really operative. The heads were now, however, sixteen in number, and the importance and at the same time the indefiniteness of their position in relation to the university began alike to be sensibly felt. Parker, writing to Cecil in 1559, intimates that it is most desirable that their number should include at least some who by high character and distinguished talents would command the confidence and esteem of the younger members of the university. Of such, however (as Jean Peacock has taken occasion to note"), there was at this * Cooper, Annals, 11 161-7. Observations, etc., p. 45. Pilkingte John's C tashop of period a marked absence, and his observation is illustrated CHAP by a valuable piece of contemporary evidence. Among the James ablest of the heads was James Pilkington, master of St master of John's, who on the 22nd March, 1561, was consecrated to and the see of Durham. Though a somewhat too ardent Re- Puram former, his previous and subsequent career may be held to have amply justified his selection for that important post. His genuine interest in the university is attested by the fact that in 1560 he is found pleading, like Lever, on behalf of its struggling scholars, in a sermon preached at Paul's Cross. Among the Marian exiles he had been honourably distinguished both by his learning and his moderation. At Frankfort, his name appears foremost among those of the signitaries to the prudent and judicious letter with which the English congregation of that city rejected the intemperate proposals of Knox and Whittingham. In his new sphere of labour he exhibited a like spirit, and in conjunction with his friend, Bernard Gilpin of revered memory, displayed an equal concern for the welfare of the masses and for the higher education of the few. For eight months after his consecration he continued to hold his mastership, and was then succeeded by his brother, Leonard Pilkington. It was during this period, in the month of May, 1561, that he addressed a letter to Cecil, in which he plainly expresses his opinion with respect to the existing heads. For Cambridge,' he writes, "I be seche your honour have such a care that gule heades mai be placed and the evill removed. For some be such that I can nott tell whither thei doe lesse harmo being absent or present, and none or veri fewe doe ani gude,' He describes his is unentiaown college as being in a most unsatisfactory condition and the more promising members as reduced to a state of despondency by the generally low tone of learning and of morals, f As regards his successor he recommends his own brother, but does not hesitate to say that nothing but a spirit of disinterested self-sacrifice would induce the latter to accept an office very inadequately endowed and beset with so much that was discouraging'. My hert bledeth to think on S John's. I brought in half a score se college. |