they hoped to haue a better draught; but, said his Lop. Hope is a good

breakfast, but an ill supper,

Upon his being in disfavour, his servants suddenly went away, them to the flying of the vermin when the house was falling.

he compared

One told his Lordship it was now time to look about him. He replyed, 'I doe not looke about me, I looke above me.'

His Lordship would often drinke a good draught of strong beer (March heer) to-bed-wards, to lay his working fancy asleep: which otherwise would keepe him from sleeping great part of the night.

Three of his Lordship's servants [Sir Tho. Meautys, Mr. . . . . Bushell, Idney.] kept their coaches, and some kept race-horses.

Mr....

His Favourites tooke bribes, but his Lop. alwayes gave judgement secundem æquum et bonum. His Decrees in Chancery stand firme, there are fewer of his decrees reverst, than of any other Chancellor.

He had a delicate, lively hazel eie; Dr. Harvey told me it was like the eie of a viper.

[Aubrey in his Life of Hobbes. Vol. II. Part ii. p. 602 of the same work, states. "The Lord Chancellor Bacon loved to converse with him. He assisted his Lordship in translating severall of his essayes into Latin, one I well remember is that, Of the Greatness of Cities: [? Kingdoms] the rest I haue forgott. His Lordship was a very contemplative person, and was wont to contemplate in his delicious walks at Gorhambery, and dictate to Mr. Bushell, or some other of his gentlemen, that attended him with ink and paper ready to set downe presently his thoughts."]

Mr. Hobbes told me that the cause of his Lp's death was trying an experiment. As he was taking an aire in a coach with Dr. Witherborne (a Scotchman, Physician to the King) towards Highgate, snow lay on the ground, and it came into my Lord's thoughts, why flesh might not be preserved in snow as in salt. They were resolved they would try the experiment presently. They alighted out of the coach, and went into a poore woman's house at the bottome of Highgate hill, and bought a hen, and made the woman exenterate it, and then stuffed the bodie with snow, and my Lord did help to doe it himselfe. The snow so chilled him, that he immediately fell so extremely ill, that he could not returne to his lodgings, (I suppose they at Graye's Inne,) but went to the Earl of Arundell's house at Highgate, where they putt him into a good bed warmed with a panne, but it was a damp bed that had not been layn in about a yeare before, which gave him such a cold that in 2 or 3 dayes, as I remember he [Mr. Hobbes] told me, he dyed of suffocation. Vol. II. Parti. p. 221-7.

RANCIS BACON, already pondering over the great 'Inftauration,' wrote the following letter to Lord Burghley (who had taken Bacon's aunt for his fecond wife) in the year 1591, fix years previous to the appearance of the first of these Effays.

It is a most able fummary of his life and purposes up to that time, and is expreffed with excellent power and earnestness.

My Lord. Devotion unto your Service, and your honourable Correspondence unto me, and my poor estate, can breed in a Man, do I commend myself unto your Lordship. I waxe now somewhat ancient; One and thirty yeares, is a great deal of sand, in the Houre-glasse. My Health, I thank God, I find confirmed; And I do fear, that Action shall impair it; Because I account, my ordinary course of Study, and Meditation to be more painfull, than most parts of Action are. I ever bare a mind, (in some middle place, that I could discharge,) to serve her Majesty; Not as a Man, born under Sol, that loveth Honour; Nor under Jupiter, that loveth Business (for the Contemplative Planet carrieth me away wholly,) but as a Man born, under an Excellent Soveraign, that deserveth the Dedication, of all Mens Abilities. Besides, I doe not finde, in myself, so much Self-love, but that the greater parts, of my Thoughts are, to deserve well, (if I were able,) of my Frends, and namely of your Lordship; who being the Atlas, of this Commonwealth, the Honour of my House, and the second Founder of my poor Estate, I am tyed, by all duties, both of a good Patriot, and of an unworthy Kinsman, and of an Obliged Servant, to employ whatsoever I am, to doe you Service. Again, the Meanness of my Estate, doth somewhat move me: For though I cannot accuse my Self, that I am either prodigal, or sloathfull, yet my Health is not to spend, nor my Course to get. Lastly, I confesse, that I have as, vast Contemplative Ends, as I have moderate Civil Ends: For I have taken all Knowledge to be my Province; And if I could purge it, of two sort of Rovers, whereof the one, with frivolous Disputations Confutations, and Verbosities: The other, with blind Experiments, and Auricular Traditions, and Impostures; hath committed so many spoils; I hope, I should bring in, Industrious Observations, grounded Conclusions, and profitable Inventions and Discoveries, the best State of that Province. This, whether it be Curiosity, or Vain-glory, or Nature, or, (if one take it favoura bly,) Philanthropia, is so fixed in my minde, as it cannot be removed. And I doe easily see, that Place of any Reasonable Countenance, doth bring commandement, of more Wits, than of a Mans own; which is the Thing greatly affect. And for your Lordship, perhaps you shall not finde more Strength, and less Encounter, in any other. And if your Lordship, shall finde now, or at any time, that I doe seek, or affect, any place, whereunto any that is nearer unto your Lordship, shall be concurrent, say then, that I am a most dishonest Man. And if your Lordship, will not carry me on, I will not doe as Anaxagoras did, who reduced himself, with Contemplation, unto voluntary poverty; But this I will doe, I will sell the Inheritance, that I have, and purchase some Lease, of quick Revenew, or some Office of Gain, that shall be executed by Deputy, and so give over, all Care of Service, and become some sorry Book maker, or a true Pioneer, in that Mine of Truth, which (he said) lay so deep. This which I have writ unto your Lordship, is rather Thoughts, than Words, being set down without all Art, Disguizing, or Reservation. Wherein I have done honour, both to your Lordships Wisdom, in judging, that that will be best believed of your Lordship, which is truest; And to your Lordships good nature, in retaining nothing from you. And even so, I wish your Lordship all Happiness, and to my self, Means and Occasion, to be added, to my faithfull desire, to doe you Service.

WITH as much confidence, as mine own honest, and faithfull

From my Lodgings at Grays Inne. [Resuscitatio, p. 95. Ed. 1657.]

2. No right judgment can be formed of these Effays, in relation to Bacon's powers: unless fome glimpse, however brief and imperfect, be obtained of the 'vaft contemplative ends' to which he chiefly confecrated his magnificent powers for the last thirty-five years of his most busy life. Mr. Hallam has given us an excellent fketch of that New Philosophy, which tasked even the mighty intellect of the Lord Chancellor fimply to design.

In the dedication of the Novum Organum to James in 1620, Bacon says that he had been about some such work near thirty years, "so as I made no haste." "And the reason," he adds "why I have published it now, specially being imperfect, is, to speak plainly, because I number my days, and would have it saved. There is another reason of my so doing, which is to try whether I can get help in one intended part of this work, namely, the compiling of a natural and experimental history, which must be the main foundation of a true and active philosophy." He may be presumed at least to have made a very considerable progress in his undertaking, before the close of the sixteenth century. But it was first promulgated to the world by the publication of his Treatise on the Advancement of Learning in 1605. In this, indeed, the whole of the Baconian philosophy may be said to be implicitly contained, except perhaps the second book of the Novum Organum. In 1623, he published his more celebrated Latin translation of this work, if it is not rather to be deemed a new one, entitled De Augmentis Scientiarum. I find, upon comparison, that more than two thirds of this treatise are a version, with slight interpolation or omission, from the Advancement of Learning, the remainder being new matter. p. 168.

The Instauratio Magna, dedicated to James, is divided, according to the magnificent ground-plot of its author, into six parts. The first of these he entitles Partitiones Scientiarum, comprehending a general summary of that knowledge which mankind already possess; yet not merely treating this affirmatively, but taking special notice of whatever should seem deficient or imperfect; sometimes even supplying, by illustration or precept, these vacant spaces of science. The first part he declares to be wanting in the Instauratio. It has been chiefly supplied by the treatise De Augmentis Scientiarum; yet perhaps even that does not fully come up to the amplitude of this design. The second part of the Instauratio was to be, as he expresses it," the science of a better and more perfect use of reason in the investigation of things, and of the true aids of the understanding," the new logic, or inductive method, in which what is eminently styled the Baconian philosophy consists. This, as far as he completed it, is known to all by the name of Novum Organum. But he seems to have designed a fuller treatise in place of this; the aphorisms into which he has digested it being rather the heads or theses of chapters, at least in many places, that would have been further expanded. (It is entitled by himself. Pars secundæ Summa, digesta in aphorismos.) And it is still more important to obserye, that he did not achieve the whole of this summary that he had promised; but out of nine divisions of his method we only possess the first, which he denominates prærogativa instantiarum. Eight others, of exceeding importance in logic, he has not touched at all, except to describe them by name and to promise more. "We will speak, he says, "in the first place, of prerogative instances; secondly, of the aids of induction; thirdly, of the rectification of induction; fourthly, of varying the investigation according to the nature of the subject; fifthly, of preroga tive natures (or objects), as to investigation, or the choice of what shall be firs inquired ino; sixthly, of the boundaries of inquiry, or the synoptical view of all natures in the world; seventhly, on the application of inquiry to practice, and what relates to man; eighthly, on the preparations (parascevis) for inquiry; lastly, on the ascending and descending scale of axioms." All these, after the first, are wanting, with the exception of some slightly handled in separate parts of Bacon's writings; and the deficiency, which is so important,

seems to have been sometimes overlooked by those who have written about the Novum Organum.

The third part of the Instauratio Magna was to comprise an entire natural history, diligently and scrupulously collected from experience of every kind; including under that name of natural history every thing wherein the art of man has been employed on natural substances either for practice or experiment; no method of reasoning being sufficient to guide us to truth as to natural things, if they are not themselves clearly and exactly apprehended. It is unnecessary to observe that very little of this immense chart of nature could be traced by the hand of Bacon, or in his time. His Centuries of Natural History containing about one thousand observed facts and experiments, are a very slender contribution towards such a description of universal nature as he contemplated. These form no part of the Instauratio Magna, and had been compiled before [This is contradictory to Dr. Rawley's statement on next page]. But he enumerates one hundred and thirty particular histories which ought to be drawn up for this great work. A few of these he has given in a sort of skeleton, as samples rather of the method of collecting facts, than of the facts themselves; namely, the History of Winds, of Life and Death, of Density and Rarity, of Sound and Hearing.

The fourth part, called Scala Intellectus, is also wanting with the exception of a very few introductory pages. "By these tables," says Bacon, "we mean not such examples as we subjoin to the several rules of our method, but types and models, which place before our eyes the entire process of the mind in the discovery of truth, selecting various and remarkable instances." These he compares to the diagrams of geometry, by attending to which the steps of the demonstration become perspicuous.

In a fifth part of the Instauratio Magna Bacon had designed to give a specimen of the new philosophy which he hoped to raise after a due use of his natural history and inductive method, by way of anticipation or sample of the whole. He calls it Prodomi, sive Anticipationes Philosophia Secunda. And some fragments of this part are published by the names of Cogita et Visa, Cogitationes de Natura Rerum, Filum Labyrinthi, and a few more, being as much, in all probability, as he had reduced to writing. In his own metaphor, it was to be like the payment of interest, till the principal could be raised; tanquam fœnus reddatur, donec sors haberi possit.

For he despaired of ever completing the work by a sixth and last portion, which was to display a perfect system of philosophy, deduced and confirmed by a legitimate, sober, and exact enquiry according to the method which he had invented and laid down. "To perfect this last part is above our powers and beyond our hopes. We may, as we trust, make no despicable beginnings, the destinies of the human race must complete it; in such a manner, perhaps, as men, looking only at the present, would not readily conceive. For upon this will depend not a speculative good, but all the fortunes of mankind and all their power."

And with an eloquent prayer that his exertions may be rendered effectual to the attainment of truth and happiness, this introductory chapter of the Instauratio, which announces the distribution of its portions, concludes.

Such was the temple, of which Bacon saw in vision before him the stately front and decorated pediments, in all their breadth of light and harmony of proportion, while long vistas of receding columns and glimpses of internal splendour revealed a glory that it was not permitted to him to comprehend.

In the treatise De Augmentis Scientiarum and in the Novum Organum, we have less, no doubt, than Lord Bacon, under different conditions of life, might have achieved; he might have been more emphatically the high priest of nature, if he had not been the chancellor of James I.; but no one man could have filled up the vast outline which he alone, in that stage of the world, could have so boldly sketched.--Intro. to the Lit. of Europe, iii. 168175, Ed. 1839.

Bacon did get help' in his Natural History from his chaplain, Dr. Rawley: and among the many writings of his 'writing time,' i.e. from his fall till his death, this work was completed. It was published after his decease under the title of 'Sylva Sylvarum: or A Naturall Hiftorie, in ten Centuries,' London, 1627. fol., with the following dedication to Charles I. :-

May it please your most Excellent Majestie;

The whole Body of the Naturall Historie, either designed, or written, by the late Lo. Viscount S. Alban, was dedicated to your Maiestie, in his Booke De Ventis, about foure yeeres past, when your Maiestie was Prince: So as there needed no new Dedication of this Worke, but only, in all numblenesse, to let your Maiestie know, it is yours. It is true, if that Lo. had liued, your Maiestie, ere long, had beene inuoked, to the Protection of another Historie; Whereof, not Natures Kingdome, as in this, but these of your Maiesties, (during the Time and Raigne of King Henry the Eighth) had beene the Subiect: Which since it died vnder the Designation meerely, there is nothing left, but your Maiesties Princely Goodnesse, graciously to accept of the Vndertakers Heart, and Intentions; who was willing to haue parted, for a while, with his Darling Philosophie, that hee might haue attended your Royall Commandement, in that other Worke. Thus much I haue beene bold, in all lowlinesse, to represent vnto your Maiestie, as one that was trusted with his Lordships Writings, euen to the last. And as this Worke affecteth the Stampe of your Maiesties Royall Protection, to make it more currant to the World, So vnder the Protection of this Worke, I presume in all humblenesse to approach your Maiesties presence; And to offer it vp into your Sacred Hands.

Your MAIESTIES most Loyal and Deuoted Subiect, W. RAWLEY. After which Dr. Rawley gives the following Epistle to the Reader, which is the fame, that should haue been prefixed to this Booke, if his Lordship had liued.' Bacon was fingularly fortunate in having fuch a chaplain: and we are ever indebted to him for fuch a revelation, both of the spirit and method of the New Philofophy, as hereinafter follows:

Hauing had the Honour to bee continually with my Lord, in compiling of this Worke; And to be employed therein; I haue thought it not amisse (with his Lordships good leaue and liking,) for the better satisfaction of those that shall reade it, to make knowne somewhat of his Lordships Intentions, touching the Ordering, and Publishing of the same. I haue heard his Lord

ship often say; that if hee should haue serued the glory of his owne Name, hee had been better not to haue published this Naturall History: For it may seeme an Indigested Heap of Particulars; and cannot haue that Lustre, which Bookes cast into Methods haue; But that he resolued to preferre the good of Men, and that which might best secure it, before any thing that might haue Relation to Himselfe. And hee knew well, that there was no other way open, to vnloose Mens minds, being bound; and (as it were) Maleficiate, by the Charmes of deceiuing Notions, and Theories; and therby made Impotent for Generation of VVorkes: But onely no wher to depart from the Sense, and cleare experience; But to keepe close to it, especially in the beginning: Besides, this Naturall History was a Debt of his, being Designed and set downe for a third part of the Instauration. I haue also heard his Lordship discourse, that Men (no doubt) will thinke many of the Experiments conteined in this Collection to be Vulgar or Triuall; Meane and Sordid; Curious and Fruitlesse; and therefore he wisheth, that they would haue perpetually before their Eyes, what is now in doing; And the Difference betweene this Naturall History, and others. For those Naturall Histories, which are Extant, being gathered for Delight and Vse, are full of pleasant Descriptions