The more the games were thus specialised and corresponded to separate requirements in man, the more did need become felt to have a game which encouraged the all-round man. Such a game is most specifically Grook. Now the aim and essence of the Pentathlon was thus to supplement the other, specialised, games, and to encourage and produce all-round strength and agility. The more we recognise this fundamental truth concerning the Pentathlon, the more shall we have to bear in mind that the aim and intention would always be to make the victory depend as far as possible upon the best man in all the five constituent contests or at least in as many as possible.

The fact that Pentathlon prize-vases very often have only representations of three of the games, can be no guide as to the nature of the game itself, for the class of figures represented in these paintings is only influenced by artistic requirements, i.e. by the fact that certain games can more readily be represented in single figures than others. It is an easy thing for a vase-painter or sculptor to represent a youth as a jumper, a discus-thrower or a spear-thrower, for he need merely place in his hand halteres, a diskos, or a spear. It is more difficult to represent among several others a wrestler or a runner. This can only be done with clearness by representing a pair of youths wrestling, or a number running, which is often represented on Panathenaic vases destined to be prizes for one of these single games, but these are not subjects that can be easily composed into a number of figures placed together on a limited space, and each expressing part of the game illustrated by the whole group. Thus it is that of the five games of the Pentathlon, three especially serve as pictorial types, i.e. ἄκων, ἅλμα, δίσκος. But often vases evidently pentathlic have merely one scene. I have met with Pentathlon vases with merely two games of the five, diskos and spear, or spear and halteres. In some cases even the connexion between the mythological scenes on the one side and the scenes from real life on the other, to which I alluded above, has served the vase-painter in giving a full illustration of the Pentathlon, the mythological scenes illustrating those games which the athletic scenes do not represent. So a kylix in Paris is evidently pentathlic from the mythological scenes of struggle represented on the border of the outside, while in the medallion on the inside there is but one of the contests figured, namely a youth with halteres.

THE METRICAL STRUCTURE OF

PINDAR'S STANZAS.

THERE is far more symmetry in the internal structure of the Nemean and Isthmian strophes and epodes than is to be found in the Olympian and Pythian odes. The difference is remotely analogous to a verse of Tate and Brady's version of the Psalms and the corresponding portion of the Prayerbook version set as an anthem.

As a general rule the Greek lyric stanza (strophe or epode) is composed of one or two periods. In the case of unsymmetrical stanzas-i.e. of stanzas which only offer a show of symmetry when they are arbitrarily divided into several small sections-it is not often possible to find indications of organic division or to determine whether the stanza be mono-periodic or not. But that the constituent periods seldom exceed two in number is a fair inference from the frequency of symmetrical stanzas made up of two symmetrical periods or constituting one symmetrical period.

This natural kind of symmetry, illustrated by many of the odes in this volume, is also to be discovered in many of the stanzas of Bacchylides and the Tragedians. For instance, Eur. Orest. 982-1004 is one symmetrical period, which however J. H. H. Schmidt chops up into three kommata containing seven periods. The conclusions here propounded have been confirmed by a careful examination of all extant Greek lyrics.

RECURRENT WORDS.

IN the first 200 lines of the First Book of the Iliad there are many tautometric recurrences of words and phrases and kindred forms as well as of proper names, while whole lines are repeated, e.g. 65, 93; 68, 101.

For instance, Aao- ends vv. 10, 16; B begins vv. 34, 44; v. 17 ends with ευκνήμιδες Αχαιοί, and v. 22 with ἐπευφήμησαν Αχαιοί; άποινα ends v. 13, 23, 95, 111; -χώσατο v. 64 and Xwocraι v. 80 are in the fourth foot, dúpid- vv. 74, 86 in the third and fourth feet, Ocompoñι- vv. 85, 87, 109 in the same part of the verse, Ovμó- vv. 136, 173 in the third foot; yépas vv. 120, 133, 138, 163, 185 in the fourth foot; érápolow ends νυ. 179, 183, άλλο- νν. 174, 186. The phrase πρόφρων ἔπεσιν occurs in the same parts of vv. 77 and 150, ảïò doixòv áμûvai ends v. 67, λοιγὸν ἀπώσει ν. 97. Το πείθονται 'Αχαι- ν. 79 corresponds in position πείθηται 'Αχαι- ν. 150; to φρένες ν. 103, φρεσί ν. 107, φρένας ν. 115; to μάντις αμύμων ν. 92, μαντεύεσθαι v. 106. Verse 94 echoes v. 11. There are several other recurrences.

v.

v.

There are also many such recurrences in the Hesiodic poems, in the Homeric Hymns, and in the longer fragments of Tyrtaeos and Solon. In Simonides, Frag. 5 [12], there are tautometric recurrences, yevéolai vv. 15, 1, beoì vv. 21, 14. In Bakchylides there are several responsions like those found in Pindar. In the VIth ode there is a suggestion of a refrain. Κέον | ἄεισάν ποτ' Ολυμπίᾳ | πύξ τε καὶ στάδιον κρατεῦσαν, τυ. 57 is answered by γεραίρει προδόμοις ἀοι- | δαῖς ὅτι στάδιον Kрarnaas Kéov evκλéïέas vv. 14-16; while in Ode XVIII. the second and third strophes end with redeîraι vv. 30, 45. In Aeschylos a verse or some verses at the end of a strophe are sometimes repeated in the antistrophe.

It is consequently obvious that a student of Greek epic and elegiac verse and of lyrics which were constructed with refrains might unconsciously or half-consciously absorb a habit of responsions such as are found in Pindar and Bakchylides. The recurrent words and sounds might be felt as an element of the poetic structure, as of course a refrain is.

These observations and considerations give strong support to my contention that Pindaric recurrences are often devoid of significance, especially when only one word is repeated.

NEMEA I.

ON THE VICTORY OF CHROMIOS, OF SYRACUSE
(PROCLAIMED AS OF AETNA), WITH THE
FOUR-HORSE CHARIOT.

INTRODUCTION.

CHROMIOS, son of Agêsidâmos, was probably a member of the Hyllean tribe of Dorians, one of the Heracleids who went from Rhodes to Gela (see P. 1. 62). He was made by Hieron governor, iTirρoños (according to Schol. on N. 9), of Aetna, founded B.C. 476, of which Deinomenes was titular sovereign (P. 1. 58-60). Gelon had given Chromios one of his own and Hieron's sisters in marriage, and had made him, with the other brother-in-law, Aristonoös, a guardian of his son. It appears however that Polyzêlos, brother of Gelon and Hieron, married Gelon's widow, Dâmareta (Dômaretô), thus getting control over Gelon's son and heir, so that in supporting Hieron, Chromios was not necessarily betraying his trust. He may well have despaired of his ward being able to cope with his paternal uncles, the youngest of whom, Thrasybulos, was directly responsible for his ruin. It is at any rate clear that Chromios was Hieron's chief supporter. He is said to have been his charioteer. The reason for regarding him as a Gelôan immigrant to Syracuse is because Pindar tells us (N. 9. 40) that in his prime he fought with distinction in the battle on the Helôros, in which Hippokrates, Tyrant of Gela, defeated the Syracusans. As this battle is mentioned in the ode (N. 9) sung at Aetna, it is probable that the Syracusans of rank who moved thither were new citizens of Syracuse

F. II.

1

introduced with Gelon. In the new city they were out of danger of surprise by the republican faction, and were reinforced by numbers of Megarians and Peloponnesians which could scarcely have been introduced into the old city, while they were near enough to give effective aid to their friends in Syracuse. As Akragas and Himera had recovered their freedom just before the date of this ode, Pindar may have had in view, when mentioning foresight (v. 28), this provision for Deinomenes and precaution against the impending revolution. Chromios took active part in Hieron's martial enterprises, and as ambassador to Anaxilas of Rhêgion, between B.C. 478 and 476 (see P. 2 Introd.), prevented the subjugation of the Lokri Epizephyrii. He won this Nemean victory, Ol. 76. 4, B.c. 473, in the summer. This ode was recited before the banquet given in celebration of the victory at Chromios' house in Ortygia. The chorus performed it at the rрó@upov, i.e. before the principal door of the palace. Cf. Bacchyl. 6. 14 #podóμois doidais. Mezger well compares Chromios with Thêron, and says that his praises came straight from the poet's inmost heart. It is therefore not surprising that the scene of the myth should lie in Thebes.

The warm glow shed by the festive enjoyment of honorable repose and the splendor of wealth, lavish hospitality, and victory in war and sacred games are enhanced by a vivid presentment of the frequent conflict in which the noble, whether men of action, counsel, or minstrelsy, must engage, and in which they must exhibit uprightness and straightforwardness. Pindar agrees with Bacchylides (1. 43) that ȧperá is érípoxos.

Note the recurrence of μεγα·, αἶνον ἀελλοπόδων μέγαν ἵππων υ. 6, μεγάλων αέθλων ν. 11, κορυφαῖς ἀρετᾶν μεγάλαις (κορυφαῖς ν. 15) ν. 34, καμάτων μεγάλων υ. 70. This tautometric recurrence (vv. 70, 34) may perhaps imply that Pindar's celebration of Herakles-and by consequence his ode in honor of Chromios—is καμάτων μεγάλων ποινά.

The idea of upright straightforward conduct is led up to by opowσelv v. 15, and enforced by καιρὸν οὐ ψεύδει βαλών υ. 18, ἐν εὐθείαις ὁδοῖς στείχοντα υ. 25 (contrasted with σὺν πλαγίῳ κόρῳ στείχοντα υυ. 64, 65), ὁ δ ̓ ὀρθὸν μὲν ἄντεινεν κάρα υ. 43, ¿рebμаvтiv v. 61. The thread of conflict appears vv. 16, 17, 24, 25, 33 (woλuwóvwv), 36, 43 ff., 62-68, 70. If the exact metrical correspondence of ȧvтia- (v. 68) with ȧvrlov (v. 25) be intentional it was intended to make the idea of conflict prominent, not to suggest any special parallelism, which would be very much forced.