ADDENDA TO CHAP. VIII. 333 bargo. (X. p. 302.) Grenville, conceiving that he could make use Right of emof the embargo as a formidable weapon of attack against the ministry, had consulted Mansfield on the subject before the meeting of Parliament; but the great lawyer gave him no encouragement.-Mansfield to Grenville, Nov. 10, 1766.GREN. Corr., vol. ii. p. 337. In this letter he says that the term is well known, and the practice well established, among maritime nations; that it is adapted to sudden emergencies such as war, or the apprehension of war, or of famine; and that to the executive the exercise of this extraordinary power properly belonged. But Lord Mansfield never thought of saying that the power was legal. Lord Campbell endeavours to excuse his favourite Chancellor by suggesting that Northington's doctrine took him by surprise, and that he felt bound to support his colleague. But Northington spoke on the Address, and never ventured to maintain the opinion which he then expressed, after the correction which it immediately received from the Chief Justice. The Chancellor spoke on the same occasion, and is reported to have adopted in the extreme the doctrine of his predecessor; but the language which drew down upon him so much obloquy was contained in his speech on the second reading of the Indemnity Bill, and must therefore have been used advisedly.-CAMPBELL's Lives of the Chancellors-Life of Lord Camden.-ADOLPHUS's History, vol. i. P. 286. (Y. p. 304.) A letter from Lord Chatham to the Duke of Grafton, published by Lord Mahon, in the Appendix to the fifth volume of his History, makes it clear (if there could be any doubt) that Beckford acted by his instructions. He threatens to dismiss Townshend, and declares, that if Beckford's motion for inquiry is not carried, he will 'wash his hands of the whole business.'-Earl of Chatham to the Duke of Grafton, December 6, 1766. Walpole, who was in daily and confidential intercourse with Conway, speaks of his deep disgust at the treatment which the Rockingham party had lately received at the hands of Chatham. The wound Bedford's mo tion for in quiry. 334 Chatham in retirement. Colonial sensitiveness. Insubordina shend. ADDENDA TO CHAP. VIII. rankled so deep in Mr. Conway's bosom, that he dropped all intercourse with Lord Chatham; and though he continued to conduct the King's business in the House of Commons, he would neither receive nor pay any deference to the minister's orders, acting for or against, as he approved or disliked his measures.'-WALPOLE'S History of George the Third, vol. ii. p. 385. Conway and Townshend declared they thought the East India Company had a right to their conquests.-Ibid, p. 627. And on the subsequent motion of Beckford's for printing the papers of the East India Company, Townshend absented himself, saying he must have voted with the Opposition, if he had stayed.—GRENVILLE'S Diary. (Z. p.309.) Townshend describes him 'in the morning, not up; at noon, taking the air; in the evening, reposing, and not to be fatigued; in fact, nobody is supposed to see him now, except Lord Bristol.'-GRENVILLE's Diary, 27th March, 1767. (AA. p. 314.) The House of Assembly was offended at the term 'requisition,' which the Governor had used in referring to this subject. This word was what lawyers call a 'term of art,' and was equivalent to a King's message, asking the House of Commons for a supply. The Colonial Assemblies had been accustomed to vote war supplies upon the 'requisition' of a secretary of state's letter; and the Assembly of Massachusetts complained that the governor had taken upon him to use a phrase of peculiar significancy, which was not employed in the resolutions of the House of Commons or in the letter of the Secretary of State. Whether or not the Governor used the word advisedly, the circumstance shows how extremely sensitive the Assembly was upon this subject.'-ALMON's Papers. (BB. p. 317.) On this question, Townshend differed from tion of Town- his colleagues, who were all faithful to the policy of Chatham, It is lamented by the Duke of Grafton that none of the ministry had sufficient authority to procure the dismissal of ADDENDA TO CHAP. VIII. Townshend.-MS. Memoirs quoted in Appendix to LORD quence. 335 (CC. p. 319.) Walpole, jealous of merit of any kind, speaks Chatham's eloof his eloquence in the highest terms. Lord Charlemont says, 'he alone is the orator, the rest are only speakers.' Burke's splendid panegyric is well known. father. (DD. p. 327.) Among the creditors whom Lord Lonsdale Fraud on Wordsworth's thus defrauded was the father of William Wordsworth, who died, leaving the poet, and four other helpless children. The executors of the will, foreseeing the result of a legal contest with a millionnaire, withdrew opposition, trusting to Lord Lonsdale's sense of justice for payment. They leaned on a broken reed; the worthy debtor 'Died and made no sign.' Memoirs of LORD ROCKINGHAM, vol. ii. LETTERS OF JUNIUS. THE general election took place early in the spring of 1768. This which should be one of the most imposing events in the history of a free people had in fact become a periodical exposure of foulness and disease in the body politic. A great number of seats in the House of Commons were the property of individuals who, in returning their nominees, had only to observe the legal forms of popular election. Many of these nominations belonged to party leaders, and were made use of for party purposes; others were sold for what they would fetch; and now that the payment of members for their votes in ready money was commuted for the more decent but more expensive bribery by a See Addenda A, p. 393. OPEN SALE OF SEATS IN PARLIAMENT. official patronage, the value of these seats had been much enhanced. The competition of the East Indian interest, which at this time wanted representatives in parliament, likewise raised the market. The average price was £4000. Boroughs which were so fortunate as to be free from the domination of proprietors, for the most part sold their votes to the best bidder; and these transactions, not being attended with the order and punctuality which were always observed in the hire of a seat for a close borough, were not nearly such eligible adventures. The candidate having to satisfy the cupidity of many instead of one, incurred a much larger outlay; nor was he certain that success would reward his lavish expenditure. Again, if he won the battle at the poll, he might have to fight it over again in the House, where election petitions, instead of being referred to impartial investigation and decided upon judicially, were favourite subjects for the trial of party strength. So notorious was this traffic in seats, that the Mayor and Corporation of Oxford, in whom the right of electing the members for that important city was exclusively vested, offered to re-elect the sitting members for the sum of £7500, which they meant to apply, not to their private purposes, but to the discharge of a corporate debt. The members having thought fit to lay the letter containing this offer before the House, the Mayor Ch. 9. 1768 337 |