98

Ch. z. 1762

CONTINENTAL POLICY.

But circumstances had lately occurred which materially affected any claim that Frederick might Our Prussian have preferred to a continuation of the annual subpolicy.

sidy. Early in the year, the Czarina Elizabeth had died, and her successor, a passionate admirer of Frederick, immediately abandoned the Austrian alliance, and attached himself zealously to the cause of the Prussian monarch. Sweden had become neutral. On the other hand, England was engaged with a new and powerful enemy; and in compliance with the positive obligation of treaty, as abovementioned, had been called upon to aid her ancient ally, Portugal, with money and arms, to a very great extent." It was undoubtedly competent to this country at any time to discontinue those subsidiary treaties which she had annually concluded with Prussia, ever since the commencement of the war; and, however binding the terms of these treaties might be in respect of alliance, they imported no engagement to grant pecuniary aid beyond the obligation specifically incurred in each particular year. And even as to the compact of alliance, it would have been absurd to construe the language in which that compact was created, in its strictly literal sense; for if neither party was to be at liberty to conclude any treaty of peace, truce or neutrality,' without the concurrence of the other, the wilfulness or particular interest of either might keep the war alive as long as he pleased. A treaty

u See Addenda G, p. 115.

ALLIANCE WITH PRUSSIA.

is to be interpreted, like every other contract, in a reasonable sense. But though the English Government was bound by public faith not to entertain the proposition for neutrality in the German war, unless Prussia had been a party to the negotiation, the continuance of the subsidy was entirely an open question.

Ch. 2.

1762

of the

alliance.

99

Our alliance with Frederick was obviously of an Consequences occasional and selfish character. We found him Prussian engaged in a war provoked by himself, and in its commencement hostile to British interests as far as they were affected by Hanoverian connections. His own petulance had alone prevented that alliance with the French, which it was his obvious policy to cultivate. The Convention of 1756, which was the only engagement subsisting between Great Britain and Prussia, merely bound the two powers to resist the entrance of foreign troops into Germany during the continuance of the American war; the object of Great Britain being to protect Hanover from France, and of Frederick to guard his dominions against the invasion of Russia. England had amply fulfilled her part of this compact by the military contingent which she had placed at the disposal of the Prussian monarch, as well as by the other succours she had rendered him in the shape of subsidies and muniments of war. During the entire length of the seven years' war, an army in the pay of England had kept the French so well employed that, except in the short interval between the Convention of Closterseven, and the return of

100

Ch. 2.

1762

Engagements

with Prussia.

ENGAGEMENTS WITH PRUSSIA.

Pitt to power, when Frederick fought the great battle of Rosbach, he never encountered a French army. And it is to be observed that, loudly as he inveighed against the treaty of Closterseven, as exposing him to utter destruction, the Prussian monarch never impugned it as a breach of faith.

The war in America being at an end, the terms of the convention of 1756 would have been literally satisfied, whatever might have been the circumstances in which the departure of the British forces from Germany might have left the King of Prussia. And it can hardly be questioned that the spirit of that treaty would have been sufficiently consulted by stipulating at the same time for the withdrawal of the French army. It is true that Frederick would be left in a desperate condition; but it did not appear that his position could be amended by the maintenance of the war between France and England on the soil of Germany: he would still be left, as heretofore, to maintain an unequal conflict with the united power of Austria and Russia. The result of that conflict was a matter of no great moment to this country, which was at that time but little concerned in preserving the integrity of Prussia. It might, indeed, have been agreeable to a sentiment of chivalrous generosity not to desert a gallant ally in his struggle with an overwhelming force; but to expend blood and treasure in such a cause was certainly not consistent with those sound maxims of policy which alone ought to guide the conduct of a great nation.

NEWCASTLE'S POSITION.

The Duke of Newcastle, however, availed himself of this occasion to anticipate the last indignity which remained to be offered to him in a dismissal from office. Every slight, short of positive contumely, which could be thought of had been heaped upon him ever since the commencement of the new reign. Nominally prime minister, he had never been consulted upon any point of policy. Even Pitt had thought it necessary to go through the form at least of taking his opinion upon the measures which he adopted. But he had left to the First Lord of the Treasury the entire control of that department of administration with which he was perfectly familiar, and in which he took the greatest delight. The whole of the ordinary patronage of the Government was dispensed by Newcastle. The important art of ' gratifying' Members of Parliament and distributing places was unknown to the leader of the House of Commons. But it was quite incompatible with the designs of the Earl of Bute that this arrangement should continue. Pitt had been removed from the direction of the State; but the object of the Court was only half accomplished while Newcastle had the management of that great engine of corruption by means of which the King's Government was, in those days, carried on.

This province, which Newcastle had jealously retained in his own hands, through the successive changes of administrations since the time when he refused to admit his brother, Pelham, though chief

Ch. 2.

ΙΟΙ

1762 Newcastle

treated with indignity.

102

Ch. 2.

1762

Newcastle resigns.

NEWCASTLE'S RESIGNATION.

minister in the Lower House, to any share in it, was now rudely invaded. Boroughs were disposed of, places were given away without his knowledge, or in opposition to his wishes. His complaints were unheeded; and his recommendations were met with significant hints that power had passed into other hands. Convinced at length that such was the fact, Newcastle prepared for the dreaded hour of resignation. The opportunity which he chose was at least decent and consistent. He had always supported the German subsidies, and if they were to be withdrawn, the time was not very well chosen, when another great European power had joined the alliance of the enemy. No part, indeed, of the Duke of Newcastle's public life became him so much as his retirement from it. He had trafficked more largely in jobbing and corruption than any minister before or since; yet, as far as he was personally concerned, his hands were as clean as those of that spotless colleague who was somewhat too fond of vaunting their purity. Not only was the whole of his own official emolument thus expended in the public service, but the greater part of his private fortune had been lavished in the same way. We learn from competent authority that a landed estate worth £25,000 a year was reduced to the value of £6,000 at his final retirement from office; but when the King, on that occasion, referred to the pecuniary sacrifices which

X

Symmers to Mitchell, 31st Dec., 1762.-Mitchell MSS.Chatham Correspondence.