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There was another officer localising of the pieces, but that came to my table. He to send him in directly the seemed very uneasy about case in at the time himself without appearing to carried out. While we waited be very ill. He was wounded, for the stretcher-bearers (we practically, all over-told me had had to send for military he had at least forty pieces ones, as with such hundreds of of shrapnel in him, and I con- cases coming and going daily oluded he was peppered and the carrying would have been nervous. As it was a case of quite beyond the strength of going right over him from the girls in the wards, even head to feet, I began to ex- could they have spared the amine him at his shoulder time), the lieutenant rallied and chest, which were pep- and began to tell me about pered, and worked downwards himself. He was a man of towards his legs. He spoke to over forty had been me with deep anxiety about Colonial Préfet, and had volthe chances of gas infection, unteered for service as simple and I began to compare his soldat when the war broke out. demeanour unfavourably in Recently he had been granted my mind with that of the a commission, and had married average poilu. Then I worked a young wife. Again his down to the near thigh and anxiety betrayed itself, and knee. He was full of shrap- this time I could not assure nel-large pieces; and even him that he had nothing to through the fluoroscopio screen fear from the deadly infection. I could see the tell-tale gas in- As he was carried away to the dications. Hastily I began theatre, he thanked us for our marking the position of the attention to him, and mur. larger pieces on his skin. mured something about his Suddenly he became faint and anxiety being all on account ill. Through the screen I of the young wife-so lately glanced down his leg-mere married. He lost his leg, poor shrapnel; at his other leg, fellow, but that did not save thigh, arm-more shrapnel; at his life. He had little chance, his bandaged head (he had with such a mine of metal in been able to move his head him and a virulent infection about freely)-still more shrap- to fight; and for a Frenchman nel peppered thickly over his he was by no means young. scalp. It would have taken They pinned the Cross of a me an hour at least to mark Chevalier of the Legion of them all, even had it been Honour on him just before possible to remove them all he died, and his young wife, at one operation: I do not who had been summoned, dethink he had exaggerated sired that it should be buried when he spoke of forty pieces. with him. . . . I reported him to the theatre next door, and was instructed to go on further with the

It seemed to me that half those gallant poilus deserved the Croix de Guerre, the

Médaille Militaire, and the cross of the Legion. And a very large number of our men had won medals.

In those days of stress the wounded were picked up and sent indiscriminately to our hospital. We had several German soldiers, and a German lieutenant. On the whole the German private soldiers were plucky enough, though one, of an incredibly low type of countenance, shocked us with his lack of pluck, his animal intolerance of pain, and his animal desire to bite the thing that came nearest. But the officer behaved like a coward. One hesitates to describe any badly wounded man thus. Still, judged not only by the standard of French courageadmittedly a high one-but by that of his own German "cannon fodder," the man was cowardly. His shrieks and yells of fear, his complete lack of control when in pain, were an outrage to the humanity of all those wounded Frenchmen, and the wounded men of his own race. He complained of his treatment, and was abusive to his nurse. Being very ill, an officer, and a German who played the coward to boot, with whom one could not ask French officers to share a ward, he had to have a room to himself (vacated for him, as it happened, by the very nurse whom he designated by that choice Teutonie epithet of "Sohwein"), which necessitated special treatment and considerable extra work. One is proud that the French practice is to make no sort of dif

ference between the wounded, whether Frenchmen or enemies; but when such an one as the Herr Lieutenant D claims more attention than even our own officers obtained, one wonders bitterly what sort of treatment is being meted out to our men in German hands-the hands of men who can turn machine-guns from aeroplanes on fleeing refugees, drop bombs on hospitals, and deliberately torpedo a hospital ship full of helpless wounded men. All that Herr Lieutenant D- legitimately had to complain of was that his own side's aeroplanes, bombing the neighbouring village, disturbed his rest at night.

Do people at home realise, I wonder, what aerial warfare in France has become? Almost nightly at that period the German machines dashed across the lines and methodically bombed towns and villages-and indeed fields and woods occasionally! They interfered considerably with our work, for we dared not show a light when they were about: they had bombed a hospital within twenty kilometres of us one night when they were working late and the lights showed from the hut windows, and had killed a number of wounded and their military male nurses. It was impossible adequately to darken our vast ecclesiastical windows, hence we had to put out all lights in the corridors, halls, and stairways. Imagine an inky dark corridor full of stretchers of newly woundedmore stretchers being carried

up pitoh-dark stairways from unloading ambulances: more stretchers being carried out of theatres with unconscious men on them-the groping in the dark, with the noise of the guns all round, and then the shattering orash and dull quaking of a bomb! And in one of the huge wards-a vast building in which one could place a parish church, with as many lofty windows-and in the half-open cloisters, nurses groping about in the dark, and men beginning to hæmorrhage. Yet a bare light would have invited a bomb, the German aviator being what he is. I have seen one of their leuchtbombs suspended in air, lighting up the surrounding country in its evil reddish glow, while the bombs were dropped on a village near us; and later, the poor village victims have been brought in, frightfully injured, those who had not been killed outright. French houses have good cellars, but these villagers had been taken unawares in their beds. The tired working woman does not hear the slow measured throb of the Boche engine approaching-a sound most sinister, that is warranted to wake most of us who have been in hospitals within the raided back areas. An occasional visit by day, with the leisured firing of a gun or two, and the little white puffs of shrapnel smoke in a blue sky, is an interesting incident. The intruder is probably seeking to take photographs; but the bombing by night, night after night, when from a crowded hospital full of helpless men

one hears that sinister sound beating nearer and nearer, with the sure knowledge that death and destruction are in store for some hapless mortal somewhere, is horrible. The gross barking of the vulgar Bertha, as you hear the boom of discharge away over the lines, and a second or two later the crash of the explosion out Paris way, is nothing to it: one knows that very few of Bertha's shells do any harm. The air squadrons are a real danger and a very present terror.

A young American sergeant in the French Flying Service, a pilot of a very famous squadron reminiscent of Franco - American friendship in days gone by, was brought to us wounded. He had attacked four German machines, and had been brought down between the lines. One of his opponents swooped low and put a machine-gun bullet into his leg as he lay there among the wreckage of his aeroplane. A Frenchman brought him in and carried him to a Poste de Secours, and he was put in an ambulance and sent to us. For a long time he seemed to be doing well once the badly-smashed leg had been amputated, but other internal damage caused by the fall declared itself, and he died in the middle of a startlingly sudden and furious aerial storm that died down as unexpectedly as it arose. His death brought home to us the new and indissoluble bond of fellowship between the three principal Allies fighting on the Western

Front, the devotion of other brace itself for this new call pilots and French flying men of his Service, some or other of whom came every day to see him; our own sudden shocked sense of loss as though a Britisher had died.

During the early days of July the work had slackened slightly, though the hospital was still uncomfortably full, and the daily operation list often carried us into the night. On July 14 we waited with bated breath-surely the German mind could not resist renewing the offensive on France's great festival of freedom. And nothing happened — nothing but a constant stream of monster guns and companies of little tanks tooling merrily along the roads towards the Forest of Villers Cotterets. Their meaning we only learned on the 18th! At 5 A.M. on the 15th we heard the voice of gross Bertha recommencing as we had heard it on May 27. "The Offensive has begun," we said, and hoped that we were wrong, for we were all tired out. It had begun, and we were a little perturbed at the news. And then, three days later, our ambulances were telephoned for, and a stream of almost deliriously exultant wounded came in proclaiming the fact that we had attacked, successfully, at Villers Cotterets. Still we only thought it was a counterattack, a distraction on the enemy flank. But the wounded streamed in, numbers of splendid young Americans among them, and always with news of further progress. Our tiredout staff was hardly able to

on its energies, but the glad news of a real big blow, Fooh's counter-offensive at last, so heartened us that it put new life into us. And simultaneously came the news that at the request of the Grand Quartier General itself our hospital had been taken over by the Army Administration from the French Red Cross Society, which during the past three and a half years had merely lent us to the army which happened to occupy our sector of the Front and its corresponding back area. This was a compliment. But to be nursing General Mangin's magnificent troops was a privilege.

This time I felt I could watch the hospital effort at a distance (comparatively speaking), for the long exposures to the X-ray which I had been unable to avoid during the May-June offensive had resulted in my having to give up work in the examining room and come right out of the rays.

Others had taken my place, having providentially appeared at the right moment, as so often happens in oritical situations; and in the comparative peace of the Dark Room, developing the plates for my erstwhile assistant, I could think it all over. The thought that amused me most was my own settled conviotion of a few months back that the great work of our hospital had culminated in the first battle of the Somme, and that after the merely useful routine work of 1917 we should never again be called upon to

do such critical and strenuous mark on the Vesle had been work as that which we had reached and the last bulge in accomplished during the second the "pocket" finally pinched six months of 1916. And here out. we were, breaking all records, and being told to enlarge to six hundred beds. Such is the fortune of war! It was the fortune of war that had placed us there, in the Valley of the Oise, between the two great battlefields of the war, where in turn we had played an important part as an emergency hospital in the first Somme battle and the second battle of the Marne-for in history the German forward movement of May 27 over the Aisne, and the French counteroffensive which drove them back from Château-Thierry and emptied the famous "pocket," will live as one great battle.

During the first week of this fresh fighting, our two X-ray équipes made 279 examinations. The theatres were once more working night and day. Worn-out personnel, gone home on leave at the close of June, were beginning to trickle back, refreshed, to relieve the more tired ones. My own three months' temporary re-enlistment was more than over, and I was of no more use as an examining radiologist; there were now aufficient people, too, to undertake the developing and the "reading" and registrar work in connection with the finished plates. So I left France on the day when the high-water

The second great and critical battle of the Marne was over, and the most brilliant soldier the war has produced was already planning his next great stroke on the Somme. Thousands upon thousands of Americans were arriving; their first self-contained Army was on the point of completion; on every Front their divisions and brigades and regiments had already proved their quality in action; their guns and their aeroplanes had already made an impression on the enemy; their Army Medical Service was in full swing; their transport and re- victualling services showing the hall-mark of American business organisation. One felt that the most critical moment in the history of the war-for the Allies-had passed: we had topped the rise, henceforth we should be going down the hill. It was a good moment at which to have one's work suspended.

My last memory of the hospital is & typical one -an all-night sitting in the theatre, at which I assisted in the humble capacity of an extra orderly to help clean up. The last patient was carried away at four, and we ourselves closed the door at 5 A.M.

SKIA.

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