We welcome, therefore, with all the greater warmth the generous speech made some weeks since by Admiral Sims to the journalists of his own country. Admiral Sims spoke as a sailor, without flourish or rhetorical gesture, and he told America in the plainest terms precisely what our Navy has done and is doing in the War. The debt of gratitude which we owe to him is wholly independent of our self-love. It is but common justice which demands a disclosure of our deeds, and after Admiral Sims' straightforward words there is no room for doubt or shame. "There had been an idea," said he, "in the American mind that the American Navy had been doing the bulk of the work over here-at least a half. That is not correct." He pointed out that of the 5000 anti-submarine craft at work, day and night, only 160 were American, or 3 per cent. Again, he combated the statement, sometimes made in the American Press, that the Americans, by a miracle of their Navy, had got a million and a half troops here in a few months, and had protected them by the way. "We didn't do that," said Admiral Sims. "Great Britain Britain did. She brought over two-thirds of them, and escorted a half. We escort only one-third of the merchant vessels that come over." And how is Great Britain able to achieve these wonders on the sea? "The reason they can do this"-again it is Admiral Sims who speaks"is because up in the North come Sea somewhere is lying the great British Grand Fleet. They can do this work because the British Grand Fleet is so powerful that the German High Seas Fleet has to stay at home. If a catastrophe should happen to the British Grand Fleet, there is no power on earth that can save us, for then the German High Seas Fleet can out and sweep the seas. The British Grand Fleet is the foundation-stone of the cause of the whole of the Allies." That is perfectly true. Had it not been for the British Fleet, the Germans would long ago have been masters of the world. And the moral of Admiral Sims' direct and honest speech is this: there must be no more discussion of the thing that is called "the freedom of the seas." Neither now nor at a peace conference must we abate one jot of our supremacy. We fought the Declaration of London with success before the war, and we must not surrender the advantage which then we gained. Upon the mastery of the sea depend the prosperity and the freedom of Great Britain. We have not fought for more than four years merely to decline upon an act of suicide. Against the freedom of the seas we fought Napoleon for some twenty years. Many times peace was ours for the asking, had we only acknowledged "the equality of all flags on the sea." This we could not do then, and cannot do now, without endangering our very existence. Germany's desire to free the seas is easily intelli- words, "the British Grand Fleet gible. She is a Continental is the foundation-stone of the power, which even in war-time cause of the whole of the can communicate freely with Allies," we know that those such of her neighbours as are Allies would not, if they could, not hostile to her. If she at the request of a beaten Gerchoose she can exchange com- many, disturb us in the possesmodities with Russia or Austria, sion of a power which has saved and there is none to hinder the civilised world from slavery. her. At the same time she can prevent, without trouble, our access to these countries. And we hear no vague talk about the freedom of the land. We, on the other hand, depend for our approach to all and sundry upon the sea. That is our element, and if we lose control of it our life is at an end. Germany does not permit us to travel across her borders when we are at war, in search of such commodities as we need to make our guns and to fill our shells. And we, in our turn, relying upon our Fleet, forbid the Germans to replenish their empty stores from the granaries and factories oversea. In peace-time the ocean has hitherto been free and open to all, and it will be free and open again to the Germans when after a long boycott they have paid their offences against sea law. And it has been free and open because the English have freed it from piracy and have kept it decently and honestly policed. If to-day we surrendered the supremacy which we have won by the heroism of Hawke and Jervis and Nelson, we should either sink into a second-rate power or we should be forced to begin the next war by tearing up a sorap of paper. We intend to do neither of these things, and if, in Admiral Sims' Meanwhile the Allied Armies and the Allied Fleets are accomplishing the work of emancipation. The Germans are retreating everywhere before the hammer blows of Marshal Fooh and the united Armies under his command. The friends of Germany are ready to make the best terms they can to escape from a battlefield on which defeat is certain. We are faced by one simple duty: to fight the Germans until they surrender unconditionally. We want no discussion with them, no interchanges of views, no bargaining of this advantage against that. All the advantages are ours, and at the proper time we shall make the best use of them we can. We cannot parley with the Germans, beoause we are unable to believe in their good faith. There is no reason why we should show them the slightest tenderness, because they have proved themselves savages, unrestrained by the laws of war or decency. As they are driven back we discover day by day fresh atrocities which they have mitted. The horrible crimes of which they have been guilty cannot be punished by conversations. The only peace which is possible is a diotated peace. The only terms to which the Allies can agree will be the terms of We welcome, therefore, with all the greater warmth the generous speech made some weeks since by Admiral Sims to the journalists of his own country. Admiral Sims spoke as a sailor, without flourish or rhetorical gesture, and he told America in the plainest terms precisely what our Navy has done and is doing in the War. The debt of gratitude which we owe to him is wholly independent of our self-love. It is but common justice which demands a disclosure of our deeds, and after Admiral Sims' straightforward words there is no room for doubt or shame. "There had been an idea," said he, "in the American mind that the American Navy had been doing the bulk of the work over here-at least a half. That is not correct." He pointed out that of the 5000 anti-submarine craft at work, day and night, only 160 were American, or 3 per cent. Again, he combated the statement, sometimes made in the American Press, Press, that the Americans, by a miracle of their Navy, had got a million and a half troops here in a few months, and had protected them by the way. "We didn't do that," said Admiral Sims. "Great Britain did. She brought over two-thirds of them, and escorted a half. We escort only one-third of the merchant vessels vessels that come over." And how is Great Britain able to achieve these wonders on the sea? "The reason they can do this"-again it is Admiral Sims who speaks "is because up in the North Sea somewhere is lying the great British Grand Fleet. They can do this work because the British Grand Fleet is so powerful that the German High Seas Fleet has to stay at home. If a catastrophe should happen to the British Grand Fleet, there is no power on earth that can save us, for then the German High Seas Fleet can come out and sweep the seas. The British Grand Fleet is the foundation-stone of the cause of the whole of the Allies." That is perfectly true. Had it not been for the British Fleet, the Germans would long ago have been masters of the world. And the moral of Admiral Sims' direct and honest speech is this: there must be no more discussion of the thing that is called "the freedom of the seas." Neither now nor at a peace conference must we abate one jot of our supremacy. We fought the Declaration of London with success before the war, and we must not surrender the advantage which then we gained. then we gained. Upon the mastery of the sea depend the prosperity and the freedom of Great Britain. We have not fought for more than four years merely to decline upon an act of suicide. Against the freedom of the seas we fought Napoleon for some twenty years. Many times peace was ours for the asking, had we only acknowledged "the equality of all flags on the sea." This we could not do then, and cannot do now, without endangering our very existence. Germany's desire to is the foundation-stone of the cause of the whole of the Allies," we know that those Allies would not, if they could, at the request of a beaten Germany, disturb us in the possession of a power which has saved the civilised world from slavery. free the seas is easily intelli- words, "the British Grand Fleet gible. She is a Continental power, which even in war-time can communicate freely with such of her neighbours as are not hostile to her. If she choose she can exchange commodities with Russia or Austria, and there is none to hinder her. At the same time she can prevent, without trouble, our access to these countries. And we hear no vague talk about the freedom of the land. We, on the other hand, depend for our approach to all and sundry upon the sea. That is our element, and if we lose control of it our life is at an end. Germany does not permit us to travel across her borders when we are at war, in search of such commodities as we need to make our guns and to fill our shells. And we, in our turn, relying upon our Fleet, forbid the Germans to replenish their empty stores from the granaries and factories oversea. In peace-time the ocean has hitherto been free and open to all, and it will be free and open again to the Germans When after a long boycott they have paid their offences against sea law. And it has been free and open because the English have freed it from piracy and have kept it decently and honestly policed. If to-day we surrendered the supremacy which we have won by the heroism of Hawke and Jervis and Nelson, we should either sink into a second-rate power or we should be forced to begin the next war by tearing up a sorap of paper. We intend to do neither of these things, and if, in Admiral Sims' Meanwhile the Allied Armies and the Allied Fleets are aocomplishing the work of emancipation. The Germans are retreating everywhere before the hammer blows of Marshal Fooh and the united Armies under his command. The friends of Germany are ready to make the best terms they can to escape from a battlefield on which defeat is certain. We are faced by one simple duty: to fight the Germans until they surrender unconditionally. We want no discussion with them, no interchanges of views, no bargaining of this advantage against that. All the advantages are ours, and at the proper time we shall make the best use of them we can. We cannot parley with the Germans, because we are unable to believe in their good faith. There is no reason why we should show them the slightest tenderness, because they have proved themselves savages, unrestrained by the laws of war or decency. As they are driven back we discover day by day fresh atrocities which they have committed. The horrible crimes of which they have been guilty cannot be punished by conversations. The only peace which is possible is a diotated peace. The only terms to which the Allies can agree will be the terms of We welcome, therefore, with all the greater warmth the generous speech made some weeks since by Admiral Sims to the journalists of his own country. Admiral Sims spoke as a sailor, without flourish or rhetorical gesture, and he told America in the plainest terms precisely what our Navy has done and is doing in the War. The debt of gratitude which we owe to him is wholly independent of our self-love. It is but common justice which demands a disclosure of our deeds, and after Admiral Sims' straightforward words there is no room for doubt or shame. "There had been an idea,” said he, "in the American mind that the American Navy had been doing the bulk of the work over here at least a half. That is not correct." He pointed out that of the 5000 anti-submarine craft at work, day and night, only 160 were American, or 3 per cent. Again, he combated the statement, sometimes made in the American Press, that the Americans, by a miracle of their Navy, had got a million and a half troops here in a few months, and had protected them by the way. "We didn't do that," said Admiral Sims. "Great Britain did. She brought over two-thirds of them, and escorted a half. We escort only one-third of the merchant vessels that come over." And how is Great Britain able to achieve these wonders on the sea? "The reason they can do this"-again it is Admiral Sims who speaks"is because up in the North come The Sea somewhere is lying the great British Grand Fleet. They can do this work because the British Grand Fleet is so powerful that the German High Seas Fleet has to stay at home. If a catastrophe should happen to the British Grand Fleet, there is no power on earth that can save us, for then the German High Seas Fleet can out and sweep the seas. British Grand Fleet is the foundation-stone of the cause of the whole of the Allies." That is perfectly true. Had it not been for the British Fleet, the Germans would long ago have been masters of the world. And the moral of Admiral Sims' direct and honest speech is this: there must be no more discussion of the thing that is called "the freedom of the seas." Neither now nor at a peace conference must we abate one jot of our supremacy. We fought the Declaration of London with success before the war, and we must not surrender the advantage which then we gained. Upon the mastery of the sea depend the prosperity and the freedom of Great Britain. We have not fought for more than four years merely to decline upon an act of suicide. Against the freedom of the seas we fought Napoleon for some twenty years. Many times peace was ours for the asking, had we only acknowledged "the equality of all flags on the sea." This we could not do then, and cannot do now, without endangering our very existence. Germany's desire to |