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thing beyond dispute, even if we all believed that the ballot-box was the beginning and the end of wisdom, Viscount Grey's pretension would be absurd. There may lurk somewhere in Europe a nation which does not desire to be wise or free. And what right has Viscount Grey or another to inflict wisdom or freedom upon those who do not desire it?

However, Viscount Grey is convinced that there must be no more wars, and he thinks that this conviction will supply "the motive-power which will make the League of Nations work." Again we are unable to agree with him. The League of Nations will "work" by force of arms. To enforce peace we must condemn ourselves to be perpetually at war. We must guard all the frontiers and keep a watchful eye upon all countries. And about this huge army, which would be the first necessity of our League, Viscount Grey says little or nothing. A single paragraph seems to him enough to explain the duties and purposes of the international police. "Supposing the League once formed," he said, "the treaty signed, the treaty binding the nations composing the League to settle any disputes that may arise between them by some method other than that of war, and each of them undertaking an obligation that if any nation does break the covenant, they will use all the forces at their disposal against that nation which has so broken it." The grammar is uncertain, and the meaning is not very clear. Viscount Grey does not explain

how the avenging nations shall use the forces at their disposal or how they shall invade the recalcitrant country. That country will assuredly take good care to arm itself before it breaks the covenant, and may have as good a chance as Germany thought she had in 1914 of dominating the world. How, then, should we be in a better position to make an end of war with a League of Nations than without it?

But Viscount Grey would not limit the duties of his international force to punishing unruly countries. He aspires to be the policeman of the nations, and to turn his dark lantern upon all those who dare to infringe the laws of democracy. "I do not see," says he, "why the League of Nations, once formed, should necessarily be idle." Indeed, it would never be idle. "I do not see why it should not arrange for an authority, and an international force at its disposal, which should act as police act in individual countries." What a terrible prospect! Instead of making an end of all wars we should see to it that peace was never signed, and should ensure for this unhappy world a perpetual state of war. And the League of Nations will not only keep the peace-it will arrange also the domestic policies of the nations. Viscount Grey agrees with President Wilson that each nation belonging to the League should settle its own fiscal policy, which is truly a vast concession. But, and here is a vast exception, "having settled it, it must apply it to all the members of the League without

discrimination." If these words necessary. We have but to

mean anything, they mean that England, having chosen Free Trade, must not make bargains with any of her friends. Germany and France must have equal privileges and equal advantages. If we permit our French friends to send over their commodities duty-free, we must give the same permission to our German enemies. Which is absurd. And that is not the worst: we must saorifice all that we have of patriotism and national character; we must become frankly international, without hope and without pride. And if we dare to assert ourselves, to boast that we are compatriots with Shakespeare and Milton, Germany, as leader of the League, will land an army at Dover, and march upon London, the more effectively to chasten our arrogance.

However, the League of Nations will probably remain a pious aspiration. When peace is signed the Allies will feel so strong a confidence in themselves that they will not ask for mischievous safeguards. They will place Germany in such a state that she will not be able to make war, even if she wishes it. And for themselves, they have had enough of fighting. They fought to save civilisation, and they have saved it. What more is there for them to do? They must be strong enough to keep the wild beasts of Europe properly caged, and stern enough to prevent those wild beasts coming back from their cage to parley with respectable citizens. But to achieve this no League is

Of

guard our own alliances, and to take care that Germany does not arm herself again for a hundred years. The whole problem can be solved by exacting large indemnities. We are constantly told that it is useless to exact them, because Germany cannot pay them. Was ever a more foolish argument advanced? course Germany cannot pay all that will be demanded of her on the nail. But she can pay the interest on her debt, and she can create a sinking fund. Only a year before this war broke out, certain towns in Germany paid the last instalment that was owing of the sums demanded by Napoleon a hundred years ago. If in the year 2018 the Germans have not yet paid off their capital debt to France and Belgium and England, we need not complain. We shall have taken care that the interest is duly paid.

There is another reason, besides the inherent folly of the League of Nations, why we deplore Viscount Grey's sudden interposition in affairs. He is a discredited politician, and if we are ever again to enjoy the benefits of sound government, we must punish our politicians for their misdeeds. As it stands at present, politics is the only trade which pays no penalty for failure. The Radicals, who by refusing to place the country in a proper state of defence made war certain, are showing a feverish desire to call attention to themselves. An election is imminent, and they must perforce advertise themselves and their

merits to their constituents. treasure his memory. A man

They are all of them busy making speeches. Lord Haldane cannot keep silence. Mr Asquith has delivered him of a noble set of eloquent platitudes. And now Viscount Grey has attempted to explain what he means by a League of Nations. The explanation is not remarkable; it is remarkable that it should have been made at all; and we can only advise our readers to turn to the revelations of Prince Lichnowsky, and ask themselves whether the politician who surrendered so many British interests to the Germans is entitled to a hearing on any subject even remotely connected with foreign affairs.

We regret to record the death of Mr Clifton Collins, an old and faithful contributor to 'Blackwood's Magazine.' He wrote on many subjects, and always with distinction. He discoursed of the Pytchley Country and of Cookery, of the Cambridge Apostles and Holland House; and in whatever he wrote he displayed a profound knowledge of history and a keen sense of style. A sound scholar, he devoted himself to the study of Greek; and we have it, on the authority of one of the most erudite men of our generation, that Clifton Collins had no rival in the exposition of Plato. And yet it is for what he was rather than for what he wrote that we shall always

whose zest for life was always keen, he was out off from the sights and sounds which should have been his enduring pleasure. So deaf was he that his friends could converse with him only on paper. And yet his courage never faltered; he never yielded to depression. Hampered as he was, he W88

always of a stout and cheerful heart. Suffering from such afflictions as would have overwhelmed the most of men, he preserved unto the end a praiseworthy aspect of pride, even of arrogance. As we look back upon him, and recall the many hours we have spent with him in vigorous talk, we forget that the sense of hearing was denied him, and remember only his quick argument and eloquent discourse. Educated at Oxford, he chose Cambridge in his riper years, and was a loyal friend to the University, which he had adopted as his own. So sorupulous was he in preserving his anonymity, that he refrained from signing his excellent articles, and left no other proof of his scholarship behind him than two little books on Plato and Sophocles. It is, therefore, all the more our genuine pleasure and our bounden duty to record in the Magazine,' in which he always professed the liveliest interest, our respect for his learning, and our admiration of his character.

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Printed by William Blackwood and Sons.

This is the Original Edition printed in Edinburgh and issued in America by authority of the Publishers.

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Entered as second-class matter, July 3, 1917, at the post office at New York, N. Y., under the Act of March 3, 1879

THREE YEARS

From September 3, 1914 to September 3, 1917

By BARR FERREE

A chronological survey of the bombardment of Reims from September 3, 1914 to September 3, 1917, giving the details of the bombardment day by day for the entire period of the siege. This is the first book in any language dealing with the bombardment of Reims in its entirety, and presents a remarkable picture of daily life at Reims under the shells.

The book includes a general introduction on the bombardment, a sketch of the history of the cathedral, churches and other notable buildings, and a history of the destruction of the cathedral and other important structures in Reims.

Price, post-paid, $2.00

LEONARD SCOTT PUBLICATION COMPANY

249 West 13th Street, New York

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