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sir; but for the excitement, such a measure would not be thought of. are seeking to convert this subject into a political affair, and for the purpose of excluding Masons from public offices. Masons are represented as setting your courts and your laws at defiance, the object is to keep Masons out of office, and those who raise the breeze, to occupy the places of honor and profit, to keep up the excitement, a memorial has been drawn up and presented to the legislature, and the projector of it, I venture to say, is an emigrant from the neighborhood of Boston.a

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The resolution was defeated by a vote of nearly 3 to 1. Such an attitude could not but help the very cause which it tried to defeat, and the Jacksonian party, then in the majority, was thought by this action to have shown its complicity with the Masons. From the petty politics of the towns to the higher politics of the State government the Antimasonic proscriptions spread; and meetings were held everywhere, in which resolutions were passed advocating the support of purely Antimasonic candidates for the State legislature."

The Adams party, already weak, now showed signs of dropping out of the coming election in the so-called "infected districts," and the central corresponding committee of Genesee decided to abstain from all participation in the preparatory measures for the approaching election. This, and like actions, tended to drive the bitter and relentless nonmasonic opponents of Jackson into the only strong and vigorous party opposed to him, while the anti-Jackson Masons chose rather to support him than to go over to the hated opponents of Masonry. The amalgamation was helped along by the fact that Clinton and Jackson were both high Masons. Their recent political union was looked upon as another evidence of Masonic influence, and this fact stimulated the spirit of opposition to both."

Antimasonic nominating conventions were held all over western New York in October and September, and so suc

a Albany Argus, April 12, 1827.

Albany Argus, July 4, 1827.

< Batavia Spirit of the Times, quoted in Albany Argus, July 28, 1827.

Weed, Autobiography, I, 301. The Antimasonic Jackson party, however, had a slight organization in the Twenty-ninth Congressional district this year. See Le Roy Gazette, Oct. 18, 1827.

e Hammond, Political History of New York, II, pp. 380, 383. The account in Hammond is by Fred Whittlesey, one of the most active Antimasons. A great many of the Antimasonic leaders had been supporters of the Adams Administration. The "Morgan committee," consisting of Works, Ely, Bachus, Whittlesey, and Weed, were, with the exception of Whittlesey, supporters of the Administration. See Weed, Autobiography, I, 301. f Albany Argus, October 10, 11, 1827.

a

cessful were the candidates nominated that "the results of the election," says Whittlesey, "astonished all-even the Antimasons themselves-and opened the eyes of politicians to the growing power of the new party." The Jackson papers admitted that the Antimasons had succeeded in electing 15 members of the assembly. The Adams vote was comparatively light, and but 12 assembly men of that party were elected. The Antimasons, however, did not elect a single senator even in the Eighth senatorial district-the hotbed of their cause. By a singular act of inconsistency and haste they had nominated a candidate in this district, but found after the nomination, when the campaign was in progress, that he was a Mason. The vote, however, was changed to the nominee of the "Bucktail" party in time to elect him by a large majority. In this manner they achieved a partial although unsatisfactory victory.d

The results of the election encouraged the leaders to look forward hopefully to the year of the general election and the Presidential campaign.

a Hammond, Political History of New York, II, 382.

b Chautauqua 2, Monroe 3, Otsego 2, Orleans 1, Seneca 2, Wayne 2, Yates 1. Albany Argus, November 23, 1827.

с

e Albany Argus, November 23, 1827. Hammond, Political History of New York, II, 283. d Hammond, Political History of New York, II, 384. This was characteristic of the Antimasonic party even in its later phase, and was often caused by the evident desire of the leaders to gain strength by sacrifice of principle or from the fact that in the outlying districts men of influence were nominated who were not avowed opponents of Masonry.

CHAPTER II.—THE PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN OF 1828 IN NEW YORK.

When the year of the presidential contest opened it was found that the Antimasonic party had increased in strength, for many Masons had seceded from the order and had avowed their belief that Masonry was an evil. These renunciations, together with the acquittal of some of the accused and the refusal of the legislature to change the mode of selecting the grand juries, tended to confirm the idea that the Masonic institution was "dangerous in a free government, subversive of political equality, and hostile to the impartial administration of justice." a

In February of this year a convention of seceding Masons met at Le Roy, Genesee County. It denounced Masonry, upheld Morgan's Illustrations of Masonry, and sent a memorial to Congress upon the use made of Fort Niagara by the Masons as a prison for Morgan. The publication of the proceedings of the convention in the papers throughout the country served as a most powerful stimulus to the new cause and made many converts. This meeting was followed by a convention at Le Roy on March 6, 1828. Twelve counties were represented, yiz, Chautauqua, Orleans, Ontario, Erie, Monroe, Yates, Niagara, Livingstone, Seneca, Genesee, Wayne, and Tompkins. This convention urged the suppression of Masonry through the ballot box, and recommended the calling of a State convention at Utica in August following; it advocated the establishment of "free presses" and other means of spreading the "blessed spirit." At this convention Samuel Works, Henry Ely, Frederick F. Backus, Frederick Whittlesey, and Thurlow Weed were appointed

a Hammond, Political History of New York, II, 385.

Weed, Autobiography 1, 256. See also McMaster, History of the People of the United States, V, 118.

a general central committee. These men, together with Timothy Fitch and Bates Cook, remained upon the committee through the most important years of the Antimasonic party.

The rapid growth of the excitement, and the vigorous means adopted, alarmed the Jackson party, and on March 18 Lieutenant-Governor Pitcher urged the legislature to appoint a special commission to investigate the death of Morgan. On April 15 a bill for this purpose became a law, and Daniel Mosely of Onondaga was appointed commissioner. The motive of the sudden change in policy of the Democratic party is apparent. They had recognized the necessity of conciliating these Antimasonic elements before the approaching State and national elections, and their policy was altered accordingly.

Both parties now vied with each other in their efforts to win over the Antimasons, and the Adams party rested their only hope of carrying the State upon an alliance with them. The Adams men had an advantage in their candidate, for it was known that Jackson was a Mason while Adams was not. Furthermore, custom and precedence strengthened this tendency, for the district which was now the stronghold of Antimasonry had formerly been opposed to the Democrats. The basis of this opposition was economic, and, fortunately for the Antimasons, there was enough of the opposition spirit still left to rally a strong force to any banner, whatever its emblem, that would lead against the hated opponents of the canal. Adams combined in himself the elements necessary for such a union of forces.

The Jackson party, as soon as the sentiment in favor of Adams became apparent, sought to hold the "coalition" up to public opprobrium. They loudly proclaimed that "the friends of the Administration in the western part of the State have been unwearied in their exertions to connect the public feeling with the Presidential question; and that they have spared no pains to contribute to the public agitation with that in view. This purpose has been steadily pursued by several of

a Proceedings of Le Roy convention, Albany Argus, May 17, 1828.
bWeed, Autobiography, I, 258.

c Hammond, Political History of New York, II, 386.

the Administration members of Congress from that section of the State, and by their agents and tools in these counties." a

This effort was furthered by the attitude of the Masonic Adams men, as may be seen from the following extract from the Albany Daily Advertiser, the principal Adams paper of the time, referring to the Antimasons:

Their persecuting and unhallowed principle has extended itself to the Presidential contest, and the most disgraceful measures are now taken to make the Masonic question bear on that important election. It is said that one of the candidates for that office is a Mason, and therefore he must be opposed; that his opponent is not one, and therefore he must be supported. To this course, we enter our strong and solemn protest. We know not whether Mr. Adams be a Mason, and we care not. We are in favor of his re-election, but we must despise ourselves did we desire to gain a single vote through the Antimasonic excitement, and we look with contempt, and almost horror, on those who endeavor to further his election by such means.

It was the great aim of men like Weed to quiet such grumbling within the anti-Jackson ranks and to present a broad, united front to the enemy. Consistent Antimasonry was forgotten by these ambitious leaders and carried out only by the lesser but more fanatical politicians, such as John Crary and Solomon Southwick, who henceforth with their followers can be called the only true, consistent, and uncompromising Anti

masons.

The papers of the day accused Weed of intriguing with Washington, and of receiving money to start.various Antimasonic newspapers "in order to use the Morgan excitement for the benefit of the Administration party." Whatever may have been the truth of it all, Weed became Adams's political manager in western New York. From this time he was looked upon by his opponents as the leader of a conspiracy. He brought to his views some of the brightest men of the Adams party in the State, as well as some of the most able politicians the country has ever seen. These men saw that the Adams, or National Republican party, had outlived its usefulness and could not hope to compete upon anything like

a Albany Argus, April 5, 1828.

bAlbany Advertiser, April 5, 1828. See also for similar opinions, Albany Argus, June 4, extracts from Buffalo Journal. (Adams.)

Geneva Palladium in Albany Argus, May 7, 1828.

d Weed Autobiography, I, pp. 303, 307. Weed was at this time editor of the Antimasonic Enquirer at Rochester.

e Albany Argus, April 9, 17, and July 14, 1828.