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(would it bad operated so as to discourage him altogether from the prosecution of the task he had undertaken !) and in order to surmount it, he has adopted a course, than which none could have been conceived more destructive of all in. terest and attraction. Llewellyn must necessarily be, like Hector, the affectionate brother, the fond husband, the accom. plished soldier, the ardent and intrepid lover of bis country. According to modern feeling, therefore, it would seemthat he must be the hero of the piece, and that all our interest must rest exclusively with him and follow his fortunes. But, as it would be sinning against all rule to write a national poem in which the reader's passions are to be enlisted on the side opposed to his own nation, it becomes necessary to invent some mode of setting the character of Edward yet higher than that of the prince whom he subdues, or at least to balance. the interest between thein ; neither of which, it is obvious, can be done by making an Achilles of bim; and Mr. Cottle has been able to fiod no other means of accomplishing the object so good as making the king of England the direct counterpart of the prince of Wales in every respect. He also must be an affectionate husband, a fond father, a warm friend, an able soldier, and a zealous patriot. The entire and utter confusion of vice and virtue, of profligate ambition with public spirit, of the objects of honour and reverence with those of abhorrence and hatred, which this most aba surd compromise necessarily introduces into the whole system of the poem, may be easily conceived, and yet hardly to the full extent in which it exists, unless by him who has taken tbe thankless pains of reading the whole work. But if the moral effect is so grossly objectionable, yet more so. is the poetical consequence; since it is evident that all contrast and originality of character must be utterly destroyed, and that to the vain attempt of balancing the interest of the poem, every sbadow of interest is irremediably sacrificed. If any circumstance can'make the absurdity of this mast contemptibie plan still uiore manifest, it is the effect of the balancing system on the ininor characters of the piece. la . the middle of the canvas sit Edward and Llewellyn like the two kings of Brentford, so well matched that it is impossible to tell one from the other. Next these, on either side, stand the gentle and virtuous and beautiful queen Eleanor of England, and the beautiful and virtuous and gentle lady Eleanor de Montford. That very worthy knight, the earl of Warwick, pairs off behind them with that other equally worthy knight, Edwall the Welshman ; while in front my

lord Archbishop of Canterbury walks a slow minuet with · Llyrarch the chief of the bards. Of the very few single

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figures which have found their way into the picture, the most prominent are those of prince David, which appears to be sketched with more truth and feeling than any other in-the piece, and of earl Talbot, whose character exhibits neitberjudgment, nor taste, nor humour, though it seems in

tended to bear evidence to all the three.I'm So much for the dramatis personæ, which are so intia'.

mately connected with the general conduct of the poein that it becomes very unnecessary to waste much time in unfolding the particulars of the plot. The scene opens with the approach of Edward at the head of his forces to Chester. The principal actors are soon upon their legs, and indeed there is no lack of argument from the beginning to the end of the poem, every individual character being as well skilledin the mysteryof debaling as if he had been regularly brought up at the House of Commons or the academical society in Bell-yard. Edward, with all the true philanthropy of a Napoleon, soon states his opinion that it is evidently for the interests of England and Wales, and for the general pacifi. cation of the two nations, that they should be united under one government: the barons readily concur in the opinion of the sovereign, and prepare without loss of time to aid bim by the sword in the execution of his pacific purpose, when the good old Archbishop of Canterbury, without,, as it appears, having any reason whatever to hope a favourable result from his negotiation, implores and obtains leave (for the sake of forin) to go and discuss the points in dispute with Llewellyn previous to the commencement of 'hostilities, The pulaver at Chester being happily concluded, we are next , presented with specimens of eloquence on the other side the inountains; and (to our shame be it spoken) the Welch. Jords seeni to talk full as good English as ourselves, and rather better sense. The worthy Archbishop discourses about peace and charity for three good hours' without making the least impression, and returns, the bearer of no very concilia atory message ; and so the war begios.

Want of space obliges us to break of this article abruptly ; but we shall conclude it in our next.

CRITICAL MONTHLY CATALOQUE.

RELIGION.

Art. 10.-Thoughts on Prophecy : particularly as connected with

the present Times ; supported by History. By G. R. Hioan. 8vo... Longman.

WE have long been doubtful respecting the propriety of applying the imagery of scriptural prophecy, to the events of modern times. If any thing could confirm us in this doubt, it would be the endless discordancy of the applications. Hardly two persons agree in the fitness of the same interpretation. Hence we see either that there is nothing clear and definite in the prophecies themselves ; or that there is something very perverse and visionary in the mind of the interpreters. The present writer is not less fanciful than his predecesso rs. The poor pope, who 'formerly stalked like a ghost before the eyes of the expounders of prophecy, seems lately to have resigned his place in the brains of these prophetic visionaries, to Napoleon Bonaparte. Mr. Hioan imagines Bonaparte to be very aptly described in the beast, and the man of sin. And by Græcising, (if we may so call it) his name into BovenepTn, with ingenuity most profound and philology most marvellous, he makes it give ont, according to the arithmetical signs of the letters, the number 666, or the number of the beast. The author draws ,a parallel, between Antiochus Epiphanes and Bonaparte ; and he makes the former a type of the latter. Bonaparte is accordingly typified in the little horn mentioned in Daniel. Mr. Hioan is at considerable pains to prove all these points. This we have no doubt, that he does very satisfactorily to his own mind. The author, who can see Bonaparte very distinctly in the aforesaid horn, has a very clear view of him in the person of the second beast, which makes such a formidable, appearance in Rev. xiji. The following expressions which are used in the apocalypse, of this second beast, are very sagaciously referred, by Mr. Hioan to the embargo, which Bonaparte has laid on the commerce of the continent. He causes all, both small and great, rich and poor, free and bond to receive a mark in their right hand and in their forehead. And that no man might buy or sell, save he that had the mark or the naine of the least, or the number of his name.Rev. xiii. In this description, the author traces an exact counterpart of the decrees which Bonaparte issued at Berlin and Milan. But he forgot that the words have, at least, as close an analogy to the English orders in council, or to the American embargo. The author imagines, p. 218, that Bonaparte.. will abolish the popes, and establish himself in their place. When this event comes to pass, Mr. Hioan informs us, that the fourth verse of c. ij. 2 Thess. will " receive a striking accomplishment."

Crit, Rey. Vol. 16. January, 1809.

We have no time to consider the details into which the author enters to demonstrate Bonaparte to be the “ man of sin." .Our patience is exhausted ; and the stock is not likely to be replenished by our credulity. We cannot think so ill of Mr. Hioan as to suppose that he wrote this book to ridicule the prophecies, as well as those who pretend to explain them ; but if he had actually endea. voured to do this, he could hardly have done it more effectually than in the present performance.

Art. 11. Scripture made easy in familiar Answers to the catechetical

questions of a learned Divine. For the Use of Schools, by Mrs. Eves, Clifford Place, Herefordshire. ' Knot and Loyd, Birmingham. 1808.'

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MRS. EVES is, we have no doubt, a diligent and well meaning school-mistress; and, though we do not approve some of her theological tenets, we hope that her endeavours to promote scriptural knowledge will be attended with success.

POLITICS.

Art. 12.-On the Causes of our late Military and Political Disasters, will

some Hints for preventing their Recurrence. 8vo. 9s. Triphook. 1808.

: WE read this essay on its original appearance, in some nuinbers of that excellent newspaper, the Times; but, on the first perusal, it by no means struck us as the product of a vigorous and comprehensive mind. A second perusal has rather strengthened than obliterated our first impressions. The intellectual ability of the author, who ever he may be, never rises above the line of mediocrity. The object of his endeavours is to prove, that the salvation of the country, can be effected only by ''a responsible administration, . composed of an eficient prime minister, and of subordinate members, unanimous among themselves, and equally responsible to their country for all their public acts." The author does not seem to affix any very definite idea to the words responsible and responsibility, which he recommends as the panacea of the national calamities. In. his zeal for a responsible administration, he forgets to tell us to whom it is to be responsible. For responsibility supposes a power of calling to account, and if guilty, of punishing the responsible delina quent. But in the present state of the British constitution, to whom are the efficierit prime minister, and his subordinates in office to be responsible? The author will perhaps say, to parliament. But has not the prime minister, whoever he may be, whether efficient or inefficient, a constant majority in parliament? How then canany minister be truly said to be responsible to a parliament, the majority of whom are the obsequious instruments of his will ? To say that a prime minister is responsible to a parliament, over the 'mass of which he can exercise an irresistible controul, is only to say that a responsible prime minister, is responsible to himself, which is to say, that he is placed above all responsibility. Before

this author talked so much of a responsible administration, he should first have devised the means of rendering it not nominally, but really responsible, by such a reform in the house of Commons as would prevent the minister of the day, whatever may be his ignorance, his imbecility, or his profligacy; from being supported by a blind and submissive majority. Instead of talking of the qualifications of an efficient prime minister, the author should have descanted on the use of an efficient, that is, an upright, and disinterested house of commons. Such a house of commons would be a sufficient protection to the people against a weak and vicious minister; but even the most able and upright minister could reno : der little essential service to his country, while one of his principal studies, in order to keep his seat, must be to satisfy the cravings of a venal parliament. The efficient prime minister, whom this author would recommend, and whom his pamphlet seems designed to panegyrize, as the driver that is to save the country, is the Marquis Wellesley, That the marquis would make an efficient minister, we have little doubt ; . but the term efficient may be used in a bad sense as well as a goud ; and though we by no means, doubt the abilities of the marquis, yet we do not think that the . despotic power which he exercised in India, and the habits of Asiatic splendor and magnificence in which he indulged, have rendered him very admirably qualified for the situation of a prime minister in a free country. Md free country.

. . ART. 13. The Substance of a Speech, which ought to have been spoken inz

certain Assembly upon the Motion made by the Right Hon. Henry Grattan on the 25th of May, 1808, that the Pelition from the Romant Catholics of Ireland should be referred to a Committee of the whole Houses with supplementary Notes on the Idolatry of the Romish Church; the Proceedings in Parliament respecting the Royal Popish College at Maynooth, and the reported Speech of the Right Reverend the Bishop of Norwich, in the House of Lords, in the year 1808, in support of the Petition of the Irish Roman Catholics. 38. 8vo. John Joseph Stockdale. 1809.

THIS speech is not enlivened with a sufficiency of wit or argument to counteract the influence of its narcotic powers, which inclined us very forcibly to somnolency during the perúsal; and which, if it had been spoken in the senate with a gravity suited to 'the dullness of the compositions would have set the benches of St. Stephen's in a

snore. The inuendoes which the author throws out in one of his notes, which are of a piece with his text, on the Bishop of Norwich, are perfectly contemptible. ART. 14.- An Inquiry into the Causes which oppose the Conversion of the

Hindus of India to Christianity, and render the Atlempt to accomplish it extremely hazardous to the Interests of the East India Company, and the Nation, and to the personal Safety of Englishmen in India, para ticularly the Civil Servants of the Company. Addressed to the Holders of East India Stock; and dedicated to the President of the Board of Con. missioners for the Affairs of India. By a Proprielor of East India Stock. 8vo. Cadell. 1809.

THIS temperate and sensible pamphlet is bighly deserving the ato tention of those who think that the conversion of the Hindus to :

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