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frontier, and the dreadful conditions on which her moderate accession of territory was obtained ;-and we believe that we are speaking the real thoughts of the great Austrian minister, when we say that his empire will not be freed from its calamitous union with the worst part of Russian policy, nor Europe safe from Russian incursions, until the Polish question has been boldly attacked and resolved.

As long as we were upon terms of mere conventional politeness with the Austrian government, our ministers seemed to think themselves compelled to spare the sensitiveness of that power on Polish affairs : but if we are to make her our ally indeed, we must read her policy home. There is but one thing required to induce Austria to throw off the mask, which she is compelled to wear until that thing be securedin a word, SUCCESS. “Garantissez moi le succès, et j'y souscris à l'instant,were the words of the minister who may yet live long enough to accomplish their meaning. This guarantee of success would be found in the unequivocal decision of the councils of England, that the Polish nation shall be reconstituted under such a form of government as might secure the real co-operation of the House of Austria.

This, then, is our view of the questions of the Danube, and of Poland. They are so far from being dissevered by our present alliance with Austria, that the one follows immediately upon the other. The alliance of the Danube is an alliance of defence; but the first cannon-shot that is fired, the first aggression made (if any such can be) upon these our covenanted rights, Austria must be prepared by Great Britain to sever the tie which connects her with Russia in the Polish provinces, and to follow a line of policy as necessary to secure the kingdoms of central Europe, as the independence of Turkey is to protect the East.

Alliances of a defensive character may be wisely contracted, and honourably maintained, for the sole purpose of warding off hostile aggression : but the moment that hostilities have commenced, a defensive alliance assumes a far more active character. No party then fights for the status quo ante bellum; to have maintained that state inviolate might before have been a desirable object; but, blood having flowed, the least that can be contended for is a strong security that, if

this aggression be repelled, it can never again be repeated. To obtain that security by weakening the enemy's power, or diminishing his territory, then becomes the positive and justifiable object of defensive allies. The application of these plain principles is evident : Russia has a distinct end in view, -the occupation of Constantinople, and the overthrow of Turkey; at present the purpose of England and Austria is simply to prevent Russia from approaching one step nearer to that catastrophe: but if she make an attempt to foil their vigilance, the purpose of Great Britain and Austria becomes positive; and, in sound policy, they cannot stop short of the reconstitution of Poland, and the expulsion of Russian dominion from the shores of the Danube. Such are the only objects which they can wisely and justly pursue : but they are objects sufficient for the glory and the security of three empires.

Thus far England has worthily taken the lead; nor is it now a time for her to slacken her exertions. She has to do with the two powers in Europe who have least the power of assuming the initiative in general affairs : the one requires her strength to relieve its weakness, the other to hasten and rivet its decisions. The part she has played in the cabinets, she will retain on the seas. Against her fleet the first blow will (some time or other) be struck, as it is against her power that the brunt of the battle will be directed. But there is yet another point of a diplomatic nature to which the influence of the British cabinet cannot be too strongly turned.

It may, we think, be assumed, without any untimely exaggeration or self-deluding triumph, that by the prudence of Lord Palmerston and the address of Lord Ponsonby, seconded by fortunate dispositions in the Court of Vienna and the Porte, the Russian influence has sustained a signal defeat

-a defeat which arms cannot retrieve, which bravado cannot efface, nor menace nor persuasion repair. The game has been played out with the cards which Russia herself had dealt; the result is, that she is further from the great stake than she was five or two years ago, and the scheme itself is exhausted. The jealousy of the German people has been awakened, and even the vanity of German princes has not

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lulled to rest their deep mistrust*. Austria has contracted a new alliance; the public mind in England has reached a state of energetic conviction, which it has not felt on any subject since the fall of Napoleon; Asia has been alarmed-Turkey prepared; and the armies of the Caucasus have sustained the crowning misfortune of ignominious defeat. But however Russia may be baffled, we are perfectly aware that she will not lose an hour in preparing fresh instruments for fresh attempts : her means may fail her ; but her object has not changed since Peter the Great first launched his boats upon the Sea of Azoff.

With a view to some new combination, we confess that we expect Russia to exert all her address to effect a close alliance with France. It appears strange that we should have written thus far on topics of European interest without once alluding to the policy of the French; but we have spoken of maintaining the cause of what is right, just, and bold in European politics, and with that cause the government of Louis Philippe has no concern.

The disgust with which all parties in England have viewed the attempt to bully the Swiss cantons; the display of brigs of war on the Mexican shore; the insane frenzy of conquest which is sweeping along the African coast like an inundation in a desert; the dastardly withdrawal of Louis Philippe from the affairs of the Peninsula; and his interested attempt to add fresh delays to the settlement of the Belgian question ;-all these things have so estranged the politics of France and England, that we run the risk of forgetting the danger arising from the loss of the French alliance, in our satisfaction at escaping from all participation in her disgraceful policy. But the tempter is at hand; and all our vigilance will hardly keep France from falling into the hands of Russia. The left bank of the Rhine is the object of her incessant craving—it will be offered her on the same conditions on which it was offered in 1828: the independence of Egypt, in relation with her own African possessions, is in her secret views-nothing could contribute so much to weaken the Porte, to forward the objects of Russia, and to baffle those of England. In one word, as England, Austria and Turkey are three powers essentially defensive, Russia, France and Egypt are three powers essentially offensive; yet even in their purposes of aggression they do not clash; and it is exceedingly probable that, each for his own purpose, they will combine.

* Although the intrigues carried by the Emperor Nicholas, in person, into the heart of Germany in the course of 1838 do not strictly belong to our subject, they atford a too amusing and instructive parallel to the Imperial journey of 1835, (the secret details of which were given in this journal, vol. v. p. 314.) for us to pass them unnoticed. All the world has laughed at the unfortunate matrimonial projects between the Crown Prince of Bavaria and the Grand Duchess Olga,-all Germany was revolted by the pompous display of corrupt munificence, and the deluge of Russian badges lavished upon the courts and troops of Munich and Berlin : but more serious schemes were in the meanwhile on foot. We know, from the best authority, that the Emperor earnestly proposed and vehemently urged his admission into the German Confederation, as Grand Duke of Courland and the Baltic provinces, with an outrecuidance which seemed to overlook the insurmountable obstacles to so preposterous a project. He even proposed to submit the scheme to the other European powers for their consent; and affected considerable surprise at the resolute opposition with which the plan was met by M. de Metternich, and at the cold evasions of the king of Prussia. These facts, which are not generally known, will not be lost on our German readers.

To baffle this combination, which would undoubtedly be fraught with terrible injury to the great interests of Europe, is now the task of English and Austrian diplomatists. They may succeed in inducing France to accede to the new commercial

arrangements, but the commerce of France will never dictate her serious alliances. For this purpose we confess that we look upon the strong national feeling of the French for the Polish cause, and the reiterated pledges of the Government and the Chambers to Polish nationality, as the principal point on which France and Russia are divided : and if the restoration of Poland be ever seriously contemplated by England and Austria, we do not believe that any French government could join a combination to defeat that purpose. The French people would abjure all participation in so unwise and detestable a line of policy. They would aspire to share the honour and the advantage which all Europe would derive from that signal act of justice. The Polish question would thus be destined not only to furnish a high and wise object to the alliance of England and Austria, by enabling them to set real bounds to Russian ambition, but would also supply them with the aptest weapon for the defeat of Russian intrigue with France.

None, certainly, can foretell what events, what success, what distresses this coming year may bring. May it not be unworthy of the times we live in, and the hopes we entertain! But, above all, whilst the orators of the day are screaming to attract the crowd, and masking their hideous egotism in the tawdry colours of faction, may it not be forgotten that interests common to all parties, and infinitely higher than the interests of any party, are at stake—the interests of England herself, which demand the vigilance, the vigour, and the union of all her sons !

ARTICLE V.

Winter Studies and Summer Rambles in Canada. By Mrs.

JAMESON. 3 vols. London: Saunders and Otley. 1838. If there be not many journeys more tedious and profitless than those which the guardians of popular taste are bound from time to time to make through the domain of light literature, there are, also, not many choicer pleasures than such as arise from their encounter with the few books where something of individuality manifests itself,—where, instead of common-place dogmatizing, the philosophical critic discerns traces of original speculation,-instead of mechanical and colourless scene-copying, the student of the picturesque recognises the graphic touch of a genuine artist—instead of feelings and emotions described by rote and at second-hand, the anatomist of the human heart is presented with some new secrets of that mysterious inner world, or the analyst of society with some new breathings of the outer and ever-changing airs of opinion.

Not one, but all of these pleasures have been afforded to the critic by former writings of Mrs. Jameson, and reveal themselves on his examination of this her last work. She has always stood alone among the parti-coloured crowd of authoresses, but her fate is, in one respect, singular. Unlike the generality of those enjoying a solitary and select reputation, she has hitherto passed along her literary career unscathed by contemporary petulance or ill-will. For the credit of human and literary nature, let it be hoped that one cause of an ex

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