de près le spectacle intéressant qu'offre la France dans ce moment, celui d'un grand peuple qui veut rentrer dans ses droits naturels que les institutions sociales avoient effacées depuis si longtems, ne viendrez-vous point? Jamais de plus grands motifs n'attirèrent sur le Continent, et, en vérité, si vous y résistez, je ne sais à quelle hauteur je placerai ce degré de vertu. J'attends au moins, Monsieur, de votre amitié, une lettre de vous. Je n'en ai jamais si vivement souhaité, pour savoir votre opinion de ce qui se passe ici. Veuillez nous faire part de quelques unes de vos réflexions; j'ai encore bien plus d'envie de vous entendre sur la France, que je n'avois de besoin de vous parler de la Suisse.

Recevez, Monsieur, &c.

Dear Romilly,

LETTER LVII.

FROM MR. TRAIL.1

Paris, Oct. 18, 1789.

You will see that Mirabeau has proposed a law fo the suppression of riots, similar in many respects to our Riot Act. It is intended by him to be much milder; and Dumont wishes extremely to have an accurate statemen of the English law on that subject. I believe he has the Riot Act; but I think there are many cases in which the

of the interesting spectacle which France exhibits at this moment, that of a great people re-assuming their natural rights, which social institutions had so long obliterated, will not you come? Never was there a stronger motive to draw men to the Continent; and, in truth, if you resist the temptation, I know not at what height I shall place this degree of virtue. At least, Sir, I trust to your friendship for a letter; I never before so strongly wished for one, that I may hear your opinion on what is passing here. Pray impart to us some of your reflections; I have a still greater desire to hear from you about France, than I had to write to you about Switzerland. I am, &c.

1 For an account of Mr. Trail, and the origin of Mr. Romilly's intimacy with him, see infrà, note to letter of Sept. 21, 1791.

civil magistrate employs force, and military force where he has it, without going through the forms prescribed by that statute. If the mob are actually committing a felony, may not the magistrate, or even any person whatever, disperse them by force? In 1780, immediately after the

riots, Lord Mansfield stated the law in the House of Lords, which appeared to many to give more power to the magistrates than it was supposed did legally belong to them; but the Chancellor approved of every thing he said and if you could transmit to Dumont a copy of that speech, which you will find in the Parliamentary Register, he will be greatly obliged to you. The sooner you do it the better.

I have seen but little of the National Assembly, and I am afraid that I shall see little more. It is supposed the members will not venture to regulate the admission of strangers by tickets, or in any other way, but will permit the vacant space to be filled by such as come first. I was in the Assembly on Tuesday evening, all Wednesday, and on Thursday forenoon, when they adjourned till Monday at Paris. Mirabeau spoke a few sentences with great precision, and like a man of business: he has an imposing and dictatorial manner, with an air of superiority and self sufficiency. I heard a short speech from Volney, which I liked on account of the temper and delicacy with which he reproached the Assembly for changing, inconsiderately, the order of the day. The sudden departure of the Duke of Orleans is the only topic of conversation among all ranks, ages, and sexes, so far as I know. The most prevailing report is, that the Ministry got evidence of his being engaged in some conspiracy, and offered him the alternative of a trial, or a pretext for withdrawing out of the kingdom. The object of his plot, according to some, was to put himself upon the throne by the most violent and sanguinary means; according to others, to get himself declared Regent, in case the King should withdraw, or should, by any other means, be removed from the government. It is confidently asserted that they can prove his having distributed large sums of money among the people : perhaps from this single fact the other reports have arisen. For my own part, having no authority for any of

1

the stories, I believe none. I am the more inclined to scepticism, that I perceive every body suspecting a plot in every accidental circumstance that occurs. It is difficult to decide which of the parties are most credulous and suspicious. I have read almost all the printed accounts of the late excursion to Versailles, and have conversed with several persons who were about the palace at the arrival of the Parisians, and after all I cannot make out a consistent story. It is certain the Paris militia, preceded by several hundred women, went to Versailles; that a few of the Gardes du Corps were killed, and one or two women; and that they prevailed on the King to come with his family to reside in the capital. It is equally certain that the officers of the Gardes du Corps gave, some days before, a great entertainment to a great number of military people at Versailles; that the King permitted them to use the Opera House, and he and the Queen and Dauphin visited them after dinner, and conversed familiarly with them; and that, during this entertainment, some rash and violent expressions were used, the national cockade laid aside, and the black one resumed. This example was beginning to be followed by some military men at Paris; and, added to this, bread became unaccountably scarce, and for a day or two was hardly to be got at all. The removal of the National Assembly will bring things, I should imagine, to a crisis. If the people do not disturb their deliberations, all will go well; if they do, the King and they must, with the support of the municipality, endeavour, once for all, to restore energy to the laws; and if they fail, it is in vain to conjecture the conquences. This morning I saw his Majesty walking in the Champs Elysées, without guards. He seemed easy and cheerful. He passed along the line of 5000 or 6000 of the Paris militia, who are reviewed there every Sunday. Dumont is at the Hôtel Royal, Rue Neuve St. Marc. I have not seen him since he came from Versailles, although we have been in search of each other.

Yours,

1 On the 5th and 6th of October.

J. T.

LETTER LVIII.

FROM M. DUMONT.

Paris, 19 Octobre, 1789.

Eh bien, mon cher Romilly, vous l'aviez prévu; nous le disions ensemble; rien n'étoit fini; l'horizon étoit troublé. Vous avez vu un insipide entr'acte, et à peine étiez vous parti1 que la scène est devenue très-intéressante et très-animée. Vous ne me demandez pas des détails: ceux qui peuvent êtres publiés sont partout; ceux qu'il faut dire en confidence, il ne faut pas les envoyer par la poste.

Vous me demandez mon opinion sur la révolution. Hélas! mon ami, que puis-je vous dire? Cette terre-ci est tellement volcanique, les mouvemens sont si soudains, l'autorité si foible, qu'on a lieu de redouter ce séjour 2 pour l'Assemblée Nationale. Plusieurs provinces sont blessées de la conduite de Paris, et regardent les quinze

LETTER LVIII.

Paris, October 19, 1789. Well, my dear Romilly, you foresaw it. We both said so; nothing was concluded; the horizon was overcast. You saw an insipid interlude, and you were hardly gone when the scene became very interesting and very animated. You do not ask me for details: indeed, those which can be published are to be had everywhere; those which must be told in confidence must not be sent by the post.

You ask me my opinion of the revolution. Alas! my friend, what can say ? The ground on which we stand is so volcanic, all our movements are so sudden, all constituted authority so weak, that one cannot but dread the present abode for the National Assembly. Several of the provinces are offended at the conduct of Paris,

1 Mr. Romilly had spent the greater part of the months of August and September of this year at Paris. See antè, p. 76-82.

2 The National Assembly had removed from Versailles to Paris after the 5th and 6th of October.

mille ambassadeurs armés, envoyés à Versailles, comme un attentat qui intéresse tout le royaume. Les autres croyent que la capitale est l'œil de la France, comme le dit M. de Warville, et que sa vigilance a sauvé la liberté d'une conspiration plus hardie que la première. L'une de ces conspirations est aussi bien prouvée que l'autre ; et vous savez mon avis sur la précédente. Des mécontens, des imprudens, des malveillans, des ennemis de la liberté, des courtisans corrompus, des gens qui voudroient bien avoir assez de moyens pour mal faire-assez de caractère pour être dangereux-il y a de tout cela; mais des conspirateurs, des chefs, des projets suivis, une marche souterraine, une réunion d'efforts, de vues, de personnes, voilà ce qui n'existe pas, ou du moins ce qui n'est pas prouvé. La conduite future de Paris, le sentiment des provinces, voilà deux données qui me manquent pour asseoir mon jugement. Si les députés sont insultés, s'ils ne sont pas libres, vous prévoyez bien qu'ils fuiront les uns après les autres. La désertion est déjà très considérable, et ils n'ont vu qu'avec la plus vive douleur leur translation à Paris. Les plus zélés républicains en ont pensé à cet égard à-peu-près comme les autres.

and look upon the march of the 15,000 armed ambassadors to Versailles as an outrage which concerns the whole kingdom. The other provinces look upon the capital as "the eye of France," to use M. de Warville's expression, and believe that its vigilance has preserved our liberty from a much bolder conspiracy than the first. The evidence upon which both conspiracies rest is of the same value, and you know my opinion of the first. Discontented men, imprudent ones, ill-disposed people, enemies of liberty, corrupt courtiers, creatures who long for ability enough to do mischief-determination enough to be dangerous,-all this we have; but as for conspirators, leaders, settled designs, deep-laid plots, a concert of efforts, views, or persons, nothing of this exists, or, at least, nothing is less established by evidence. The future conduct of Paris, and the feeling of the provinces, are data without a knowledge of which it is difficult to form a judgment. If the deputies should be insulted, if they should not be free, it is clear that they will desert their post one after the other. This desertion is already very considerable, and it was with the deepest sorrow that they beheld their removal to Paris. On this subject the most zealous republicans have thought much like the others.