proach of evening, retired, and the appointed | soon as they observed the troops in motion, they despatched a horseman to learn whether the Lacedæmonians intended to remove, and to inquire of Pausanias what was to be done.

hour was arrived, the greater part of the Greeks began to move with their baggage, but without any design of proceeding to the place before resolved on. The moment they began to march, occupied with no idea but that of escaping the cavalry, they retired towards Platea, and fixed themselves near the temple of Juno, which is opposite to the city, and at the distance of twenty stadia from the fountain of Gargaphie: in this place they encamped.

LIII. Pausanias, observing them in motion, gave orders to the Lacedæmonians to take their arms, and follow their route, presuming they were proceeding to the appointed station. The officers all showed themselves disposed to obey the orders of Pausanias, except Amompharetus, the son of Poliadas, captain of the band of Pitanatæ,5 who asserted that he would not fly before the Barbarians, and thus be accessary to the dishonour of Sparta: he had not been present at the previous consultation, and knew not what was intended. Pausanias and Euryanax, though indignant at his refusal to obey the orders which had been issued, were still but little inclined to abandon the Pitanatæ, on the account of their leader's obstinacy; thinking, that by their prosecuting the measure which the Greeks in general had adopted, Amompharetus and his party must unavoidably perish. With these sentiments the Lacedæmonians were commanded to halt, and pains were taken to dissuade the man from his purpose, who alone, of all the Lacedæmonians and Tegeatæ, was determined not to quit his post. LIV. At this crisis the Athenians determined to remain quietly on their posts, knowing it to be the genius of the Lacedæmonians to say one thing and think another." But as

5 Pitanatæ.]-At this word Larcher quotes from Pausanias the following passage." There is a port of Sparta called the Theometida, where are the tombs of the prin. ces, called Agida. Near this is a place where the Crotani assemble, and the Crotani are the body of troops named the Pitanate.

Thucydides, on the contrary, asserts that there never was a body of troops at Lacedæmon distinguished by this name. See Duker's edition of Thucyd, p. 17.

According to Meursius; see his Miscellanea Laconica, 1. ii. c. 2. Thucydides says this of the cohort called Exigit. See also the saine author's Attica Lectiones.

1. i. c. 16.

Herodian, I. iv. says, that Antoninus Caracalla instituted a Roman band, which he named Pitanetes. The word is derived from Pitana, a daughter of Eurotas, from whom a city was called, which was the country of Me.

nelaus.-T.

At

LV. When the messenger arrived, he found the men in their ranks, but their leaders in violent altercation. Pausanias and Euryanax were unsuccessfully attempting to persuade Amompharetus not to involve the Lacedæmonians alone in danger by remaining behind, when the Athenian messenger came up to them. this moment, in the violence of dispute, Amompharetus took up a stone with both his hands, and throwing it at the feet of Pausanias, exclaimed, "There is my vote for not flying before the foreigners;" so terming the Barbarians. Pausanias, after telling him that he could be only actuated by phrenzy, turned to the Athenian, who delivered his commission. afterwards desired him to return, and communicate to the Athenians the state in which he found them, and to entreat them immediately to join their forces, and act in concert, as should be deemed expedient.

He

LVI. The messenger accordingly returned to the Athenians, whilst the Spartan chiefs continued their disputes till the morning. Thus far Pausanias remained indecisive, but thinking, as the event proved, that Amompharetus would certainly not stay behind, if the Lacedæmonians actually advanced, he gave orders to all the forces to march forwards by the heights, in which they were followed by the Tegeans. The Athenians keeping close to their ranks, pursued a route opposite to that of the Lacedæmonians; these last, who were in great awe of the cavalry, advanced by the steep paths

ed by Lycurgus in the system of his politics. To colize, or to deceive, was made a distinguishing note and maxim of the Spartan government. A., Hesychius explains by the word Tuzikos, duplex, a sharper. The care which they took at Sparta to train their youth in the arts of wiliness and deceit, the applause which was bestowed on the young knave who excelled therein, and the chastisement inflicted on the lad who miscarried, and was detected, s xaxus xλitorta, as one who had not yet learned his lesson, show that they were reconciled to their name in its worst acceptation. To give it the best construction, we ought to consider, that the object Ly. curgus had in view, was to render the people expert in the stratagems of war. - τους παίδας ποιειν πολεμικωτέρους. Xenoph. de Lac. Rep. The arms of the Spartan monarchy were an eagle holding a serpent: symbolically representing a superiority of cunning-Auros deanevres trudnusvos; with this seal was their letter signed, which they sent to Onias the high priest,-See Joseph. A. J. L. xii. c. 5. See also the Trachiniæ of Sophocles, where the

6 Think another.]—Artifice and cunning were adopt-expression Aches Agazon occurs.-T.

which led to the foot of mount Citharon; the mity, and endeavour to prevail on us to leave Athenians marched over the plain.

LVII. Amompharetus, never imagining that Pausanius would venture to abandon them, made great exertions to keep his men on their posts; but when he saw Pausanias advancing with his troops, he concluded himself effectually given up; taking therefore his arms, he with his band proceeded slowly after the rest of the army. These continuing their march for a space of ten stadia, came to a place called Argiopius, near the river Moloës, where is a temple of the Eleusinian Ceres, and there halted, waiting for Amompharetus and his party. The motive of Pausanias in doing this was, that he might have the opportunity of returning to the support of Amompharetus, if he should be still determined not to quit his post. Here Amompharetus and his band joined them; the whole force of the enemy's horse continuing as usual to harass them. As soon as the Barbarians discovered that the spot where the Greeks had before encamped was deserted, they put themselves in motion, overtook, and materially distressed them.

LVIII. Mardonius being informed that the Greeks had decamped by night, and seeing their former station unoccupied, sent for Thorax of Larissa and his brothers Eurypilus and Thrasydeïus, and thus addressed them: "Sons of Aleuas,' what will you now say, seeing the Lacedæmonians desert their post, whom you, their neighbours, asserted to be men who never fled, but were above all others valiant. You have before seen them change their station in the camp, and you find, that in the last night, they have actually taken themselves to flight. They have now shown, that being opposed by men of undisputed courage, they are of no reputation themselves, and are as contemptible as their fellow Greeks; but as you may have had some testimony of their prowess, without being spectators of ours, I can readily enough forgive the praises which you rendered them. But that Artabazus, from his terror of these Spartans, should assert an opinion full of pusillani

Sons of Aleuas.]—

Now, Larissaan Thorax, and the rest
Of Aleuadian race, now, Theban lords,
Judge of the Spartans justly. Vaunted high
For unexampled prowess, them you saw
First change their place, imposing on the sons
Of Athens twice the formidable task

To face my chosen Persians; next, they gave
To my defiance no reply; and last,
Are fled before me; can your augurs show

A better omen than a foe dismay'd? &c.-Athenaid.

this station, and retire to Thebes, fills me with astonishment.-The king, however, shall hear from me of his conduct; but of this more hereafter: let us, therefore, not suffer these men to escape, but pursue them vigorously, and chastise them with becoming severity for their accumulated injuries to Persia."

LIX. Having thus expressed himself, he led the Persians over the Asopus, and pursued the path which the Greeks had taken, whom he considered as flying from his arms. The Lacedæmonians and Tegeans were the sole objects of his attack, for the Athenians, who had marched over the plain, were concealed by the hills from his view. The other Persian leaders seeing the troops moving, as if in pursuit of the Greeks, raised their standards, and followed the rout with great impetuosity, but without regularity or discipline; they hurried on with tumultuous shouts, considering the Greeks as absolutely in their power.

LX. When Pausanias found himself thus pressed by the cavalry, he sent a horseman with the following message to the Athenians: "We are menaced, O Athenians, by a battle, the event of which will determine the freedom or slavery of Greece; and in this perplexity you, as well as ourselves, have, in the preceding night, been deserted by our allies. It is nevertheless our determination to defend ourselves to the last, and to render you such assistance as we may be able. If the enemy's horse had attacked you, we should have thought it our duty to have marched with the Tegeatæ, who are in our rear, and still faithful to Greece, to your support. As the whole operation of the enemy seems directed against us, it becomes you to give us the relief we materially want; but if you yourselves are so circumstanced, as to be unable to advance to our assistance, at least send us a body of archers. We confess, that in this war your activity has been far the most conspicuous, and we therefore presume on your compliance with our request."

LXI. The Athenians, without hesitation, and with determined bravery, advanced to communicate the relief which had been required. When they were already on their march, the confederate Greeks, in the service of the king, intercepted and attacked them; they were thus prevented from assisting the Lacedæmonians, a circumstance which gave them extreme uneasiness. In this situation the Spartans, to the amount of fifty thousand light armed troops,

with three thousand Tegeata, who on no occasion were separated from them, offered a solemn sacrifice, with the resolution of encountering Mardonius. The victims, how-temple of Juno at Platea, imploring the inter

glorious victory' which has ever been recorded, | by his example. He then drew out his army, was then obtained by Pausanias, son of Cleom- as if to attack the enemy; but he soon met the brotus, and grandson of Anaxandrides. The Persians flying from them: he then immeother ancestors, which he had in common with diately and precipitately fled with all his troops Leonidas, I have before mentioned. Mardon- in disorder, not directing his course to the enius was slain by Aimnestus, a Spartan of dis- trenchment or to Thebes, but towards Phocis, tinguished reputation, who long after this Per- intending to gain the Hellespont with all possian war, with three hundred men, was killed sible speed. In this manner did these troops in an engagement at Stenyclerus, in which he conduct themselves. opposed the united force of the Messenians.

LXV. The Persians, routed by the Spartans at Platea, fled in the greatest confusion towards their camp, and to the wooden entrenchment which they had constructed in the Theban territories. It seems to me somewhat surprising, that although the battle was fought near the grove of Ceres, not a single Persian took refuge in the temple, nor was slain near it; but the greater part of them perished beyond the limits of the sacred ground. If it may be allowed to form any conjecture on divine subjects, I should think that the goddess interfered to prevent their entrance, because on a former occasion they had burned her temple at Eleusis. Such was the issue of the battle of Platea.

LXVI. Artabazus, the son of Pharnaces, who had from the first disapproved of the king's leaving Mardonius behind him, and who had warmly, though unsuccessfully, endeavoured to prevent a battle, determined on the following measures. He was at the head of no small body of troops; they amounted to forty thousand men being much averse to the conduct of Mardonius, and foreseeing what the event of an engagement must be, he prepared and commanded his men to follow him wherever he should go, and to remit or increase their speed

1 Glorious victory.]-It was principally, says the author of the Voyage du Jeune Anacharsis, to the victories which the Athenians obtained over the Persians, that they owed the ruin of their ancient constitution. After the

battle of Platea, it was ordered that the citizens of the lower classes, who had been excluded by Solon the principal magistracies, should from that time have the privilege of obtaining them. The wise Aristides, who prevented this decree, afforded a calamitous example to

those who succeeded him in command; they were first compelled to flatter the multitude, and finally to bow before it. Formerly they disdained to attend the general semblies; but as soon as government had ordained, that a gratification of three oboli should be given to whoever assisted at them, they rushed there in crowds, driving away the affluent by their presence and their furies, and insolently substituting their caprices for laws.-T.

2 Burned her temple.]-I fear the remark of Mr

Gibbon, that the style of Herodotus is half sceptical and half superstitious, will here be thought true.-T.

LXVII. Of those Greeks who were in the royal army, all except the Boeotians, from a preconcerted design, behaved themselves ill. The Boeotians fought the Athenians with obstinate resolution: those Thebans who were attached to the Medes made very considerable exertions, fighting with such courage, that three hundred of their first and boldest citizens fell by the swords of the Athenians. They fled at length, and pursued their way to Thebes, avoiding the route which the Persians had taken with the immense multitude of confederates, who, so far from making any exertions, had never struck a blow.

LXVIII. To me it appears, that the conduct of the Barbarians in general, was decided by that of the Persians. Before they had at all engaged with the enemy, they took themselves to flight, seeing the Persians do so. The whole army, however, fled in confusion, except the horse, and those of the Baotians in particular, who were of essential service in covering the retreat, being constantly at hand to defend their flying friends from the Greeks, who continued the pursuit with great slaughter,

LXIX. In the midst of all this tumult, intelligence was conveyed to those Greeks posted near the temple of Juno, and remote from the battle, that the event was decided, and Pausanias victorious. The Corinthians instantly, without any regularity, hurried over the hills which lay at the foot of the mountain, to arrive at the temple of Ceres. The Megarians and Phliasians, with the same intentions, posted over the plain, the more direct and obvious road. As they approached the enemy, they were observed by the Theban horse, commanded by Asopodorus, son of Timander, who, taking advantage of their want of order, rushed upon them and slew six hundred, driving the rest towards mount Citharon. Thus did these perish ingloriously.

LXX. The Persians, and a promiscuous multitude along with them, as soon as they arrived at the entrenchment, endeavoured to climb the turrets, before the Lacedaemonians

3

should come up with them. Having effected | tans, in my opinion, was Aristodemus: the this, they endeavoured to defend themselves as same who alone returning from Thermopyla fell well as they could. The Lacedæmonians soon into disgrace and infamy; next to him, Posiarrived, and a severe engagement commenced donius, Philocyon,and Amompharetus the Sparat the entrenchment. Before the Athenians tan, behaved best. Nevertheless, when it was came up, the Persians not only defended them- disputed in conversation what individual had on selves well, but had the advantage, as the Lace- that day most distinguished himself, the Spardæmonians were ignorant of the proper method tans who were present said, that Aristodemus, of attack; but as soon as the Athenians ad- being anxious to die conspicuously, as an exvanced to their support, the battle was renewed piation of his former crime, in an emotion of with greater fierceness, and long continued. fury had broke from his rank, and performed The valour and firmness of the Athenians extraordinary exploits; but that Posidonius had finally prevailed. Having made a breach, they no desire to lose his life, and therefore his behavirushed into the camp: the Tegeata were the our was the more glorious but this remark first Greeks that entered, and were they who might have proceeded from envy. All those plundered the tent of Mardonius, taking from of whom I have spoken, as slain on this day, thence, among other things, the manger from were highly honoured, except Aristodemus. which his horses were fed, made entirely of To him, for the reason above mentioned, no brass, and very curious. This was afterwards respect was paid, as having voluntarily sought deposited by the Tegeata in the temple of the death. Alean Minerva: the rest of the booty was carried to the spot where the common plunder was collected. As soon as their entrenchment was thrown down, the Barbarians dispersed themselves different ways, without exhibiting any proof of their former bravery: they were, indeed, in a state of stupefaction and terror, from seeing their immense multitude overpowered in so short a period. So great was the slaughter made by the Greeks, that of this army, which consisted of three hundred thousand men, not three thousand escaped, if we except the forty thousand who fled with Artabazus. The Lacedæmonians of Sparta lost ninety-one men ; the Tegeata sixteen; the Athenians fiftytwo.1

LXXI. Of those who most distinguished themselves on the part of the Barbarians, are to be reckoned the Persian infantry, the Sacian cavalry, and lastly Mardonius himself. Of the Greeks, the Tegeata and Athenians were eminently conspicuous; they were, nevertheless, inferior to the Lacedæmonians. The proof of this with me is, that though the former conquered those to whom they were opposed, the latter vanquished the pride and strength of the Barbarian army. The most daring of the Spar

3 Manger.]-One of the later Roman emperors, I believe it was Caracalla, fed a favourite horse from a manger of solid gold.-T.

4 Fifty-two.]-The Greeks, according to Plutarch, lost in all 1,360 men; all those who were slain of the Athenians were of one particular tribe. Plutarch is much incensed at Herodotus for his account of this battle; but the authority of our historian seems entitled to most credit.-T.

LXXII. The above were those who gained the greatest reputation in the battle of Platea. Callicrates, the handsomest man, not only of all the Lacedæmonians, but of all the Greeks, was not slain in actual engagement; whilst Pausanias was sacrificing he was sitting in his rank, and received a wound in his side from an arrow. In the heat of the conflict he was carried off, lamenting to Aimnestus, a man of Platea, not that he perished for his country, but that he died without any personal exertions, without performing any deed of valour worthy of himself, or his desire of renown.

LXXIII. The most eminent on this occasion of the Athenians is said to have been Sophanes, the son of Eutychides, of the Decelean tribe. The Deceleans, at some former period, according to the Athenians, did what proved for ever of the greatest advantage to them. The Tyndaridae had, with a numerous force, invaded Attica, to recover Helen, and had driven away all the natives, without being able to discover where Helen was. On this emergence, the Deceleans are reported, and, as some say, Deceleus himself, to have discovered

5 Helen.]-Helen, as every body knows, was the daughter of Tyndarus, and the sister of Castor and Pollux she was carried off by Theseus, when, according to Hellanicus, he was fifty years old. She was not then marriageable, probably not more than ten. This event consequently happened many years before Menelaus married her, and Paris carried her away. The Greeks were ten years assembling forces for the siege, which continued ten years "This is the twentieth year of my arrival at Troy," says Helen, in the Iliad, at which time she must have been in her thirty-sixth year.-Larcher,