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almost, than speech tending to Atheism; as in Lucretius the Epicurean; who makes his invective against religion almost as the burthen or verse of return to every other subject. The reason appears to be that the Atheist, not being well satisfied in his own mind, tossing to and fro, distrustful of himself, and finding many times his opinion faint within him, desires to have it revived by the assent of others. For it is rightly said that he who is very anxious to approve his opinion to another, himself distrusts it." (Works, vII. 251, 252, ed. Spedding.) There is besides another passage, on the tendency of the study of natural philosophy to Atheism, which is almost word for word the same with that at the beginning of the Essay. [9-21] It appeareth..themselves: added in 1625. [17] Lat. Imo, quod monstri simile est. [29] Diog. Laert. X. 123.

[34] See Acosta, Hist. Nat. des Indes, v.

fol. 2126. (Fr. trans. ed. 1600): "ils n'auoient point neantmoins de nom propre, pour nommer Dieu: car si nous voulons rechercher en langue des Indiens vn mot, qui responde à ce nom de Dieu, comme le latin Deus, le grec, Theos, l'hebreu, El, l'Arabic, Alla, l'on n'en trouuera aucun en langue de Cusco ny en langue de Mexicque."

p. 66 [4] In ed. of 1612, 'which shews yet they haue the motion, though not the full extent.' [7] very: added in 1625. [8] very: added in 1625. [8-30] The contemplative Atheist....Religion: added in 1625. Part of this passage was included in the next Essay in the ed. of 1612. In Antith. XIII. it appears in this form: Non cadit in mentem humanam ut sit merus atheista dogmate; sed magni hypocritæ sunt veri atheista, qui sacra perpetuo contrectant, sed nunquam verentur. [9] "Some of the philosophers, and namely, Diagoras of the isle of Melos, Theodorus the Cyrenæan, and Euemerus of Tegea, held resolutely that there were no gods." Plutarch's Morals, trans. Holland, p. 810, ed. 1603. [23] S. Bernard. Serm. ad Pastores (Opera, p. 1732 I, ed. Paris 1640.) [25] Lat. consuetudo profana ludendi et jocandi in rebus sanctis.

D. 67 [5] who: 'which' (1612).

Har. Resp. 9.

[6] Ovid. Met. 1. 21. [19] Cic. de

ESSAY 17

Enlarged from the edition of 1612, and omitted in the Italian translation. The chief points in this Essay and the preceding form the pro and con of Antith. XIII. Superstitio.

p. 68 [1] no: Lat. nullam aut incertam.

In a letter to Mr Toby

Matthews, Bacon says: "I entreat you much to meditate sometimes upon the effect of superstition in this last Powder Treason, fit to be tabled and pictured in the chambers of Meditation, as another Hell above the ground; and well justifying the censure of the Heathen, that Superstition is far worse then Atheism, by how much it is less evil to have no good opinion of God at all, then such as are impious towards his Divine Majesty and goodness" (Cabala, p. 57, ed. 1663). Mr, afterwards Sir Toby, Matthews, was a great friend of Bacon, and a convert to Romanism. The Essay 'Of Superstition' may have grown out of this letter. [2] Lat. quam contumeliosam et Deo in

[5] the omitted in

[6-13] Plutarch.. Men: added in
[8] at all; Lat. in rerum natura.
[16] to: 'vnto' (1612).
an out-

[18] Monarchy: "Tyranny'

dignam. [4] Lat. impietatis et opprobrii. ed. of 1612, but inserted in MS. 1625. [6] Plut. de Superst. x. [10] Lat. comedere et devorare. ward Morall vertue: added in 1625. (1612). [19] Mindes: 'minde' (1612). Antith. XIII; Non Epicuri schola, sed Stoa, veteres respublicas perturbavit. [20] Lat. homines enim cautos reddit et securitati suæ consulentes. p. 69 [1] 'As the time of Augustus Cæsar, and our owne times in some Countries, were, and are, ciuill times' (1612). civil: Lat. tranquilla. [2] 'confusion and desolation' (1612). [3] Primum Mobile: see note on p. 56, l. 18. [8] Here followed in the ed. of 1612 the paragraph which was afterwards incorporated into the Essay 'Of Atheisme :' "There is no such Atheist, as an Hipocrite, or Impostor: and it is not possible, but where the generality is superstitious, many of the leaders are Hipocrits. The causes of Atheisme are, diuisions in Religion; scandall of Priests; and learned times; specially if prosperous; though for diuisions, any one maine diuision addeth zeale to both sides, but many diuisions introduce Atheisme." [8-18] It was gravely said..Church: added in 1625. [11] Sarpi, Hist. del. Conc. Trid. p. 222, ed. 1619. "Fu da alcuni faceti detti, che se gli astrologi, non sapendo le vere cause de' moti celesti, per salvare le apparenze hanno dato in eccentrici, in epicicli non era maraviglia, se volendo salvare le apparenze de' moti sopra-celesti, si dava in eccentricità d' openioni." [19-29] 'the pleasing of Ceremonies; the excesse of outward holinesse; the reuerence of traditions: the stratagems of Prelats for their owne ambition and lucre, and barbarous times, specially with calamities, and disasters' (1612). [25] Conceits: Lat. ethelothreskiis. [26] Lat. exemplorum importuna et inepta petitio ab humanis quæ in divina transferantur. [27] Lat. Fantasiarum male cohærentium mixturam. [30] 'without his vaile' (1612). P. 70 [2] petty: Lat. pusillas et superfluas. [3-9] added in 1625. [4] Lat. cum se tanto saniorem et puriorem viam inire putent homines. [6] Lat. curæ esse debet in religione reformandâ.

ESSAY 18

The Latin title is De peregrinatione in partes exteras.

p. 71 [7] Lat. servo aliquo experto. I allow well: Lat. probo. [11] Acquaintances: Lat. amicitiæ et familiaritates. quam quæ de industria observantur.

P. 72 [12] Magazens: Lat. cellæ et horrea publica.

[20] Lat.

[14] Lat. militum

delectus et instructio. [21] Masques: Lat. saltationes sub larva. P. 73 [5] Lat. magnes est attrahendi familiaritates et consuetudines hominum complurium. [18] Employd men: Lat. ministrorum interiorum. [23] Lat. quomodo os, vultus, et corporis lineamenta, et motus respondeant famæ. [26] Place: Lat. præsidentia.

[27] Words: Lat. verba contumeliosa. p. 74 [4] forwards: Lat. facilis et pronus.

ESSAY 19

Altered and greatly enlarged from ed. of 1612.

Chariots: added in 1625.

mitian: Suet. Dom. 19.

p. 75 [1] Antith. VIII; Quam miserum habere nil fere quod appetas, infinita quæ metuas. [9] Prov. xxv. 3. [10] Multitude: 'multitudes' (1612). [13] Lat. exploratu difficilem. [14] it comes: 'commeth it' (1612). [17] Lat. ad ordinem aliquem aut collegium instituendum. Erecting of: added in 1625. [20]—p. 76. [1] As Nero.. Nero: see Dio Cass. LXIII. I. [21] Do [22] Commodus: Dio Cass. LXXII. 10, 22. p. 76 [1] Caracalla: Dio Cass. LXXVII. 10. [2] and the like: '& such like things' (1612). This seemeth; 'which seeme' (1612). [6-16] 'Therefore great and fortunate Conquerours in their first yeeres, turne melancholy and superstitious in their latter, as did Alexander the great, & in our memory Charles the fifth, and many others. For he that is vsed to goe forward, and findeth a stoppe, falleth out of his owne fauour' (1612). [12] "It is reported that King Alexander the Great, hearing Anaxarchus the Philosopher discoursing and maintaining this Position: That there were worlds innumerable: fell a weeping: and when his friends and familiars about him asked what he ailed. Have I not (quoth he) good cause to weepe, that being as there are an infinite number of worlds, I am not yet the Lord of one?" (Holland's Plutarch, p. 147, ed. 1603). Diocletian abdicated 1st May, 305, and passed the last eight years of his life in retirement near Salona. [13] Charles V. gave up the Netherlands to his son Philip II. 25th Oct. 1555; on the 16th of Jan. 1556 he gave up the throne of Spain, and on the 27th of Aug. 1556 resigned the Imperial crown. He died at Yuste, 21st Sep. 1558. [17, 18] 'A true temper of gouernment is a rare thing' (1612). [21] Philost. vit. Apoll. Tyan. v. 28. The story is [27] sometimes: 'and sometimes' (1612). [32] This is true

told again in Apoph. 51.

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[30] 'pressing power and relaxing power' (1612). that: added in 1625.

P. 77 [3] this..And: added in 1625.

experiri.

Lat. in agone cum fortuna

[6] Matter: Lat. materias primas et inchoamenta.

Lat. interveniunt procul

[8] and: 'times' (1612). [10] Not Tacitus,

[7] difficulties: 'difficultnesse' (1612). dubio multæ difficultates et impedimenta. [9] Lat. principum ipsorum affectus et mores. but Sallust (Bell. Jug. c. 113). The passage is rightly referred to Sallust in the Adv. of L. 11. 22, § 5: Salust noteth, that it is vsuall with Kinges to desire Contradictoryes." [13] Power: Lat. potentia nimiæ. Lat. credere se posse finem rei pro arbitrio assequi. [15]-p. 81 (8) Kings have to deale.. Danger: added in 1625. [22] First for their Neighbours, &c. The original of this passage is to be found in the tract, published by Rawley after Bacon's death, entitled Considerations touching a warre with Spaine, and written about the year 1624. "And to say truth, if one marke it well, this was, in all Memory, the maine peece of Wisdome, in strong and prudent Counsels; To bee in perpetuall watch, that the States about them, should neither by Approach, nor by Encrease of Dominion, nor by Ruining

Confederates, nor by blocking of Trade, nor by any the like meanes, haue it in their power, to hurt or annoy the States they serue; And whensoeuer any such Cause did but appeare, straight-wayes to buy it out with a Warre, and neuer to take vp Peace at credit, and vpon Interest. It is so memorable, as it is yet as fresh, as if it were done yesterday, how that Triumuirate of Kings (Henry the eight of England, Francis the first of France, and Charles the fifth, Emperour, and King of Spaine,) were in their times so prouident, as scarce a Palme of Ground could bee gotten by either of the Three, but that the other Two would be sure to doe their best, to set the Ballance of Europe vpright againe. And the like diligence was vsed in the Age before, by that League, (wherewith Guicciardine beginneth his Story, and maketh it (as it were) the Kalender of the good dayes of Italy,) which was contracted betweene Ferdinando King of Naples, Lorenzo of Medici Potentate of Florence, and Ludouico Zforza Duke of Milan, designed chiefly against the growing Power of the Venetians; But yet so, as the Confederates had a perpetuall eye, one vpon another, that none of them should ouertop. To conclude therefore, howsoeuer some Schoolemen, (otherwise Reuerend Men, yet fitter to guide Penkniues, than Swords,) seeme precisely to stand vpon it; That euery Offensiue Warre must be Vltio; A Reuenge, that presupposeth a precedent Assault or Iniurie; yet neither doe they descend to this Point, (which we now handle,) of a iust Feare; Neither are they of authority to iudge this Question against all the Presidents of time." Pp. 19, 20, ed. 1629. [33] Lat. Carolo quinto Hispano. p. 78 [3, 4] either.. Warre: omitted in the Latin. [5] take up: Lat. redimere. [6] Guicciardini, Hist. 1. 1. The League was renewed in 1480 for 25 years. [12] Bacon probably refers to S. Thomas Aquinas (Summa Theologia, 22, quæst. XL). "Secundo requiritur causa justa; ut scilicet illi qui impugnantur, propter aliquam culpam impugnationem mereantur: unde Aug. dicit in lib. quæstionum (super Josue quæst. 10) Justa bella solent diffiniri quæ ulciscuntur injurias, si gens vel civitas plectenda est, quæ vel vindicare neglexerit quod a suis improbe factum est, vel reddere quod per injuriam ablatum est. [14] The first proposition of Bacon's argument for a War with Spain was, "that a iust Feare is a iust Cause of a War; And that a Preuentiue Warre is a true Defensive" (p. 23). [15] lawfull; Lat. competens et legitima. [18] Livia: Dio Cass. LVI. 30.

ob veneficium Augusti.

Lat.

p. 79 [25] Lat. quorum baculi pastorales cum regis gladio concertarunt. [30] from that State: i. e. the Clergy; Lat. a prælatis. [31] Lat. nisi ubi clerus ab auctoritate aut jurisdictione principatus externi pendet. [32] come in, and: omitted in the Latin. Lat. a populo, non autem a rege vel patronis ecclesiarum. p. 80 [1] Lat. sunt illi certe cohibendi et tanquam in justâ distantiâ a solio regali continendi. [5] Hist. of Hen. 7, p. 241, ed. 1622; “Hee kept a strait hand on his Nobilitie, and chose rather to aduance Clergie-men and Lawyers, which were more Obsequious to him, but had lesse Interest in the People; which made for his Absolutenesse,

but not for his Safetie. In so much as (I am perswaded) it was one of the Causes of his troublesome Raigne; for that his Nobles, though they were Loyall and Obedient, yet did not Co-operate with him, but let euery man goe his owne Way." [16] Lat. quinimo fovendi sunt, tanquam qui potentiam nobilitatis superioris optime temperent, ne immodice excrescat. [21] Vena porta: “That vena porta is a vein coming from the concave of the liver, and receiving those mesaraical veins, by whom he takes the chylus from the stomach and guts, and conveys it to the liver." Burton, Anat. of Mel. pt. 1. sect. 1, mem. 2, subs. 3. See Ess. XLI. In another passage (Hist. of Hen. 7, p. 161) Bacon calls it 'the Gate-Vaine': "But that that mooued him most, was, that beeing a King that loued Wealth and Treasure, hee could not endure to haue Trade sicke, nor any Obstruction to continue in the Gate-vaine, which disperseth that bloud." [24] and nourish little: Lat. et habitum corporis macrum. [26-29] Lat. quod in partibus lucretur, in summâ deperdit, commercii quanto diminuto. their Customes: Lat. vel in gravaminibus tributorum. vel in aliis quæ victum eorum decurtant.

[33] Or [34] Lat.

p. 81 [2] Lat. si in corpus unum cogantur, vel exercitus vel præsidiorum. [3] Lat. clarissima exempla. [5] of Rome: omitted in the Latin. [7] of Defence: Lat. utiles et salubres. [9] Antith. vIII; Reges non hominum instar sed astrorum sunt; nam et in singulos et in tempora ipsa magnum habent influxum. 'the heauenly bodies' (1612). [10] Antith. VIII; Qui in imperiis sunt, similes sunt corporibus cælestibus, quæ magnam venerationem habent, requiem nullam. The original of this is a passage of Seneca, Consol. ad Polyb. c. 26 (Dial. XI. 7); ex quo se Cæsar orbi terrarum dedicavit, sibi eripuit. Et siderum modo, quæ inrequieta semper cursus suos explicant, nunquam illi licet nec subsistere nec quicquam suum facere. [11-14] In the MS. of the edition of 1612 this passage, with the exception of the words 'or Vice Dei,' is inserted in the margin in Bacon's own hand. [15] bridleth: 'to bridle' (1612).

ESSAY 20

Altered and slightly enlarged from ed. of 1612.

p. 82 [1] and Man: omitted in the printed ed. of 1612, but added in the MS. [4] Child: Lat. liberos. Some copies have 'children,' and in the Italian it is i loro figliuoli, but 'child' is the reading in the edition of 1612. [7] obliged: Lat. astringuntur. selectorum utantur. [13] Is. ix. 6. inconstantiæ et mutationum. endæ. [20] 1 Kings xii. 8.

[11] Lat. si consilio virorum [14] Prov. xx. 18. [18] Lat. [19] Lat. modo texendæ, modo retex

p. 83 [10] See de Sap. Vet. c. 30.
as' (1612). [14] Lat. quod hujusmodi commentum est.
selfe: added in 1625. [20] Hes. Theog. 886.
'counsell' (1612). [24] unto: 'to' (1612).
efformatæ. [28] Councell: 'counsel' (1612).
p. 84 [5, 6] Let us..Remedies: added in 1625.

[12] Whereby they intend that: 'so

[19] him

[22] Councell: [25] Lat. elaboratæ et [31] 'hand' (1612). [11] Lat. ac si minus

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