The 2 sg. in -air, fair is not extant in Old Irish. The plural forms in the preterite have taken their starting point from the perfect. In Modern Irish the old S-preterite and the perfect are associated so as to form a new preterite of mixed character, with peculiar forms only in a few "irregular verbs."

PARTICIPLES.

1. PERFECT PASSIVE PARTICIPLE.

This participle is inflected 115: brethe, berthe (§ 354o)

353. A perfect passive participle is formed by the suffix -te (-tae, -ta), after vowels -the, -de. as the words in e treated of in § brought, gen. berthi, dat. berthu; nom. carthe loved, lécthe left.

354a. The suffix -te is in most verbs which are not denominative, especially those of the I. conjugation, attached directly to the root as the t is in the preterite passive. Thus are formed with a guttural in terminal sound:

timm-orte compressus (cf. § 266), pres. sec. pass. du-immaircthe artabatur; neph-frithortae inlesum, Ml. 39a, inf. frithorcun offendere ;

etar-fuillechta interlitus, pres. fo-sligim delino;
cuim-rechta alligatus, pres. con-riug ligo;
tormachta auctus, pres. do-for-maig auget.

354b. With a dental terminal sound and s:

indrisse invasus, pl. nom. ind indirsi vastati; ind-rid invasio, pres. ad-riuth adorior, rethait currunt; airndrisse Gloss on erratam Ml. 138a, pres. pl. 3 du-airnd-redat pererrant (for duair-ind-);

mese examinatus, pres. midiur judico;

inna n-impesse Ml. 49b Gloss on obsessorum, pres. im-suidet obsident.

claissi nom. pl. defossi, perf. fo-ro-chlaid effodit, § 295;

anat n-acailsi Gloss on interpellati, Ml. 48a, pres. ad-gládur alloquor, inf. accaldam;

tuicse electus, togu choice (root gus), perf. do-rói-gu elegit.

354°. With a nasal terminal sound:

neph-toimte unexpected, toimtiu opinion, pres. do-moiniur puto, perf. do-ménar;

erite susceptus, conj. pres. sg. 3 air-ema suscipiat;
cete, cantus, pres. canim;

con-goite conpunctus Ml. 58°, pres. gonaim vulnero.

354. With vowel termination :

imdibthe circumcisus, pres. im-di-bnim circumcido (cf. § 261); tóbaide abscisus, pres. do-fui-bnim succido; airdbide interfectus, pres. airdben interficit (for air-di-);

foirbthe complete, perfectus, pres. pass. sg. 3 for-banar, forfenar perficitur;

ritha datus, pres. renim do (cf. § 261);

cloithe convictus Ml. 32, pl. dat. donaib-clothib victis 67, preterite sg. 3 ro chlói vicit 37a, pass. pres. sg. 3 cloithir involvitur 16, clóither Gloss on vinci 30o (root klu);

in-clothi exauditi Ml. 48, pres. clunim (§ 261).

354°. With r or las terminal sound:

forngarti jussi, pres. for-con-gur praecipio.

Verbs like berim, celim, melim ought to have forms with re, le before the suffix (cf. § 325, § 361e and § 373): brethe, brithe, inna in-chlidi occulta Ml. 26r.

Thus is explained the aspiration of the t in the form with transposition: rem-eperthae antedictus, pres. epiur dico; tedbarthe Ml. 47; pres. do-aid-biur offero.

355. Aspiration has further extended itself to cases in which it is not legitimate: frithorthai adflicti Ml. 58 beside

frithortae Ml. 39a (§ 354a); foircthe eruditus Ml. 35, pres. forchun doceo, beside cete cantus § 354°. Cf. § 361°.

356. The tendency not to join the suffix directly to the radical syllable shows itself also in verbs of the I. conjugation, not only in: gabim capio, part. gabtha, aur-gabtha, but even in verbs such as canim: don terchantu prophetato Ml. 53 (Z.2 p. 881), pres. do-aur-chanim sagio.

357. Especially noteworthy is frescastae expectatum (Ml. 68a), dat. neph-frescastu (Ml. 56) gloss on insperata morte (further explained through neph-toimtiu, dat. of toimte § 354°), the participle of fris-aiccim I expect, hope (ad-chíu I see, § 264), perf. fris-racacha speravi. The t of the suffix is again introduced, for one might expect fres-casse from § 354b and from the analogy of frescsiu spes, gen. frescsen (suffix -tiu, gen. -ten, § 158). Similar phenomena are shown § 361 and 375.

358. Participles of verbs of the II. conjugation: neph-etarscarthi indivisa, pres. etar-scaraim separo; tinolta (§ 64) locata, pres. do-in-ola adplicat.

Of verbs of the III. conjugation:

cuirthe jactus, pres. cuirim; indhule-loiscthi holocausta, pres. loiscim uro; foilsigthe revelatus, pres. foilsigim manifesto; suidigthe positus, pres. suidigim pono; fodailte (§ 64), pres. fodalet distribuunt.

359. Sometimes this participle has the sense of Latin adjectives in -alis, -bilis, and it then comes in contact with the following participle in -ti: rithe venalis (§ 354); di-brithe importabilis (§ 354°); neph-icthe immedicabilis, pres. íccaim II. I cure.

360. In the same way a participium necessitatis is formed by the suffix -ti (-tí), after vowels -thi, -di. This participle is generally used predicatively in the nominative and rarely in other cases: brethi, berthi ferendus (§ 361o), carthi, carthai amandus, lécthi linquendus. The dative plural is the only case which has a separate ending and not the mere -ti: adnachtib condendis (cadaveribus).

361a. In radical verbs the suffix is directly attached to the radical syllable. Thus are formed (cf. § 354):

cuimrechti stringendus, pres. con-riug ligo;

cuintechti quaerendus, pres. cuintgim, preterite act. conaitecht § 266;

adnachti sepeliundus, preterite pass. ro adnacht sepultus est; aichti metuendus, pres. dep. águr I am afraid of.

361. With a dental or an s in terminal sound (cf. § 354): messi judicandus, pres. midiur;

fissi sciendum, preterite dep. fetar scio, § 351.

Here also after assimilation the t has been introduced anew (cf. § 357): im-casti considerandus with imm-caisiu circumspectio (pres. imm-ad-chíu); tin-festi gloss on flatilem Sg. 17, tin-feth aspiratio, pres. sg. 3 tin-fet inflat (§ 260).

361c. With a nasal in terminal sound one might expect e.g. from canim, ceti, but forcanti intimandum (cf. § 356) and foirethi imbuendus only are extant (cf. § 355).

361. With a vowel termination: buthi qui esse debet (Ml. 23o, 29a).

361. The aspiration of the t after a terminal sound in r e. g. in eperthi dicendum, is perhaps also here explained as in § 354 from older forms with re, le: clethi celandum Hy. 5, 71; com-srithi conserendum, pres. ní sernat non conserunt (verba) MI. 31a.

362. The suffix is not directly joined to the radical syllable: gabthi capiendus, pres. gabim I.; sechidi assequendus, pres. dep. sechur I. sequor.

Especially in verbs of the II. and III. conjugation:

moltai (§ 64) psallendum, pres. molaim laudo ;

ersailethi reserandus, pres. pass. sg. arosailether aperitur (airod-); ailti implorandus, pres. ailim precor; móiti (§ 64) gloriandus, pres. moidim glorior; dénti faciendum, pres. dénim.

INFINITIVE.

363. In Old Irish the infinitive is not sharply distinguished from the ordinary nomen actionis. The dative of such a noun with the particle do approaches pretty nearly the infinitive of other languages; do breith ferre, do charad amare, do léciud linquere. The variety of forms used as infinitives is very great, still they are preferably formed in the second conjugation in -ad, and in the III. conjugation in iud, -ud.

364. Object and subject usually follow the infinitive, the first in the genitive, the last in the dative with do: ro pad maith lim-sa labrad ilbelre dúib-si esset acceptum mihi vos loqui multas linguas. The infinitive with do is also predicative when associated with a precedent substantive which according to the usage of the Latin language would be its subject or object. This substantive either stands absolute in the nominative or is dependent upon a word going before it: asbert in ben friú..., cach fer dib a aidchi do fairi na cathrach, the woman said to them that each of them should watch the town his night FB. 80; ar is bés leo-som in daim do thúarcain nam est mos apud illos, boves triturare; atá i n-aicniud chaich denum maith ocus imgabail uilc do denum, it is in the nature of each to do good and to avoid doing evil, Ml. 14; co carad chaingnimu du denum that he liked to do good deeds; ní cumcat aithirgi n-do denum they cannot do penance Ml. 23a.

365. In Irish the possessive pronoun stands in the place where in other languages a substantival personal pronoun is used: tair dum berrad-sa come to clip me; asbert fria muntir a breoad he told his people to burn her. In the sense of the subject the possessive pronoun is especially used in intransitive verbs: ro bo maith arrochtain and it was good that she came there; in tan atchuala a bith alachta when (Mary) heard that (Elizabeth) was gravid.

366. There is not a peculiar passive form of the infinitive, but it is necessary sometimes to construe the usual infinitive as