memoranda of those omissions and alterations; I regard the variations as worth preserving 5. I have therefore compared the two collections, marked with a f all the apophthegms which are not found in the later, and recorded in foot-notes all the more considerable differences of reading that occur in those which are; adding also for convenience of reference the numbers which they bear in the later collection.

Thirdly. Considering that Rawley had access to all Bacon's unpublished papers 6, and had been in constant personal communication with him during his later years; and that Bacon had been in the habit of setting down such things from time to time in note books, and may very likely have made a supplementary collection with a view to publication, I regard all the additional apophthegms which appear in the collection of 1661 as probably genuine, and as resting on authority second only to that which belongs to the original edition. These therefore I reprint from the second edition of the Resuscitatio, in the order in which they occur; and for more convenient reference, with the original numbers affixed. And at the same time, because in a common-place book of Dr. Rawley's which is preserved in the Lambeth Library and appears to have been begun soon after Bacon's death I find several of these additional apophthegms set down in a form somewhat different; and because I think it probable that Dr. Rawley, in preparing them for publication, occasionally introduced variations of his own in order to correct the language or clear the meaning; I have thought the original form worth preserving, and have therefore compared the versions and set down the variations in foot-notes.

Fourthly. Considering that many of Bacon's original papers passed through the hands of Dr. Rawley or his son into those of Dr. Tenison, I regard the supplementary collection in the Baconiana as also probably genuine, and next in authenticity to the collection of 1661. These therefore I print next; also preserving in foot-notes such various readings as I find in Dr. Rawley's commonplace book above mentioned.

Fifthly. In this same common-place book I find other apophthegms and anecdotes, not included in any of the three collections,-Bacon's, Rawley's, or Tenison's; a few of which I have thought worth preserving; some for their independent value, and some for a little light they throw on Bacon's personal character, manners, or habits. These I print next. They have probably as good a right to be considered genuine as any that were not published by Bacon himself; for they are set down in Rawley's own hand.

Sixthly. When all this is done, there remain 16 which rest upon no better authority than that of the unknown editor of the "Witty Apophthegms." These I regard as having no right to appear at all under Bacon's name, and accordingly remit them to a note*, as spurious.

In a note to Bacon's preface, as given in the second editon of the Resuscitatio, Dr. Rawley expressly states that the collection was made from memory, "with

5 The substitution, in almost every case, of" the House of Commons " for " the LowerHouse" has a kind of historical significance.

6 In a catalogue of Bacon's extant MSS. (Add. MSS. Brit. Mus. 629. fo. 271.), not dated, but drawn up by Rawley after Bacon's death, I find the three following entries :--"Apophthegms cast out of my Lord's book, and not printed. "Apophthegms of K. James.

"Some few apophthegms not chosen."

There is no allusion to any revision of the printed book. The first of these entries evidently refers to some apophthegms which had been struck out of the MS. before it was published; the last probably to some which had not been included in it. The " apophthegms of K. James " may have been the seven which stand first among the additions introduced by Rawley in his collection of 1661. If the MS. from which the collection of 1625 was printed remained in Dr. Rawley's hands, it would not be mentioned in this catalogue, which relates only to what had not been printed. We may easily suppose therefore that some of the loose sheets were still preserved; and that, when the original volume was not procurable, he made up his collection by incorporating these with the unpublished ones mentioned in the catalogue. [*Not here reprinted.-ED.]

out turning any book." If I am right in conjecturing that the only collection made by Bacon himself was that of 1625, we must understand Dr. Rawley's remark as applying to that; and we must beware of attributing to it any great historical authority. It will be found that some of the sayings, especially those of the ancient philosophers, are assigned to the wrong persons. But what is interesting or memorable in them depends in general so little upon the persons who spoke them; and the traditional sayings of famous wits must always be in great part so apocryphal; that I have not thought it worth while to investigate the authorities, or expedient to encumber the text with notes of that kind. The authenticity of the anecdotes relating to persons of more recent times would be better worth investigation; but in these cases Bacon is himself (either as a personal witness or as a preserver of traditions then current) one of the original authorities, whom it would not be easy to correct by a better. In these cases also his memory is less likely to have deceived him 7. But the whole collection is to be read with this qualification. Dr. Tenison adds that it was one morning's work. But he does not tell us upon what authority; and certainly Dr. Rawley has left no such statement on record. Perhaps he was confounding what Dr. Rawley said of "The beginning of the History of Henry VIII." with what he said about the Apophthegms, and so put the two together. The statement is not to be believed without very good and very express authority.

The use and worth of the collection will be best understood by those who have studied Bacon's own manner of quoting apophthegms, to suggest, illustrate, or enliven serious observations. And it was greater in his time than it is now, not only because they were fresher then and carried more authority in popular estimation, but also because the ingenuities of the understanding were then more affected and in greater request. A similar collection adapted to modern times would be well worth making.

NOTE. In this edition, where a note is signed R., it means that such is the reading of the Resuscitatio, ed. 1661. The numbers within brackets are the numbers by which the several apophthegms are distinguished in that collection. The apophthegms marked † are not contained in it at all.

HIS LORDSHIP'S PREFACE 8.

JULIUS CÆSAR did write a Collection of Apophthegms, as appears in an epistle of Cicero 9. I need say no more for the worth of a writing of that nature. It is pity his book 10 is lost: for I imagine they were collected with judgment and choice; whereas that of Plutarch and Stobæus, and much more the modern ones, draw much of the dregs. Certainly they are of excellent use. They are mucrones verborum, pointed speeches 11. Cicero prettily calls them salinas, saltpits; that you may extract salt out of, and sprinkle it where you will. They serve to be interlaced in continued speech. They serve to be recited upon occasion of themselves. They serve if you take out the kernel of them, and make them your own. I have, for my recreation in my sickness, fanned the old 12; not omitting any because they are vulgar, (for many vulgar ones are excellent good), nor for the meanness of the person, but because they are dull and flat; and added 13 many new, that otherwise would have died 14.

7 I have however noted two or three cases in which he appears to have relied upon an imperfect recollection of the Floresta española; a circumstance which was pointed out to me by Mr. Ellis.

8 So R. There is no heading in the original.

9 So did Macrobius, a Consular man.

R.

10 Cæsar's book. R.

11 The words of the wise are as goads, saith Solomon. (Added in R.)

12 I have for my recreation, amongst more serious studies, collected some few of them; therein fanning the old.

13 adding.

R.

R.

14 This collection his LP. made out of his memory, without turning any book. R. (Note in margin.)

APOPHTHEGMS NEW AND OLD.

1. WHEN Queen Elizabeth had advanced Raleigh, she was one day playing on the virginals, and my Lo. of Oxford and another nobleman stood by. It fell out so, that the ledge before the jacks was taken away, so as the jacks were seen: My Lo. of Oxford and the other nobleman smiled, and a little whispered: The Queen marked it, and would needs know What the matter was? My Lo. of Oxford answered; That they smiled to see that when Jacks went up Heads went down. 2. (16.) Henry the Fourth of France his Queen was great 15 with child. Count Soissons, that had his expectation upon the crown, when it was twice or thrice thought that the Queen was with child before, said to some of his friends, That it was but with a pillow. This had some ways come to the King's ear; who kept it till when 16 the Queen waxed great; called 17 the Count Soissons to him, and said, laying his hand upon the Queen's belly, Come, cousin, it is no pillow 18. Yes Sir, (answered the Count of Soissons,) 19 it is a pillow for all France to sleep upon. 3. (26.) There was a conference in Parliament between the Upper house and the Lower 20, about a Bill of Accountants, which came down from the Lords to the Commons; which bill prayed, that the lands of accountants, whereof they were seized when they entered upon their office, mought be liable to their arrears to the Queen. But the Commons desired that the bill mought not look back to accountants that were already, but extend only to accountants hereafter. But the Lo. Treasurer said, Why, I pray 21, if you had lost your purse by the way, would you look forwards, or would you look back? The Queen hath lost her purse.

4. (1.) Queen Elizabeth, the morrow of her coronation, went to the chapel ; and in the great chamber, Sir John Rainsford, set on by wiser men, (a knight that had the liberty of a buffone,) besought the Queen aloud; That now this good time when prisoners were delivered, four prisoners amongst the rest mought likewise have their liberty, who were like enough to be kept still in hold. The Queen asked; Who they were; And he said; Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John, who had long been imprisoned in the Latin tongue; and now he desired they mought go abroad among the people in English. The Queen answered, with a grave countenance; It were good (Rainsford) they were spoken with themselves, to know of them whether they would be set at liberty? 22

5. (29.) The Lo. Keeper, Sir Nicholas Bacon, was asked his opinion by Queen Elizabeth of one of these Monopoly Licences. And he answered; Will you have me speak truth, Madam? Licentiâ omnes deteriores sumus: We are all the worse for a licence 23.

6. (206.) Pace, the bitter Fool, was not suffered to come at the Queen 24, because of his bitter humour. Yet at one time some persuaded the Queen that he

15 young.

R.

16 such time as. R. 17 Then he called. R. 18 is this a pillow? R. 19 The C. of S. answered, Yes Sir, &c. R. 20 between the Lords' House and the House of Commons. R. 21 I pray you. R.

22 Queen Elizabeth, the morrow of her coronation; (it being the custom to release prisoners at the inauguration of a prince ;) went to the Chapel ; and in the Great Chamber, one of her courtiers who was well known to her, either out of his own motion, or by the instigation of a wiser man, presented her with a petition; and before a great number of courtiers besought her with a loud voice; That now this good time there might be four or five principal prisoners more released; those were the four Evangelists and the Apostle Saint Paul, who had been long shut up in an unknown tongue, as it were in prison; so as they could not converse with the common people. The Queen answered very gravely, That it was best first to enquire of them, whether they would be released or no. R. 24 at Queen Elizabeth. R.

23 for licences. R.

should come to her; undertaking for him that he should keep compass 25. So he was brought to her, and the Queen said: Come on, Pace; now we shall hear of our faults. Saith Pace; I do not use to talk of that that all the town talks of.

7. (30.) My Lo. of Essex, at the succour of Rhoan, made twenty-four knights, which at that time was a great matter 26. Divers of those gentlemen were of weak and small means; which when Queen Elizabeth heard, she said, My Lo.mought have done well to have built his alms-house before he made his knights.

†8. A great officer in France was in danger to have lost his place; but his wife by her suit and means making, made his peace; whereupon a pleasant fellow said, That he had been crushed, but that he saved himself upon his horns.

9. (2.) Queen Anne Bullen, at the time when she was led to be beheaded in the Tower, called one of the King's privy chamber to her, and said to him, Commend me to the King, and tell him he is 27 constant in his course of advancing me. From a private gentlewoman he made me a marquisse 28; and from a marquisse a queen; and now he had left 29 no higher degree of earthly honour, he hath made me a martyr 30

28

10. (207.) Bishop Latimer said, in a sermon at court; That he heard great speech that the King was poor and many ways were propounded to make him rich: For his part he had thought of one way, which was, that they should help the King to some good office, for all his officers were rich.

11. (122.) Cæsar Borgia, after long division between him and the Lords of Romagna, fell to accord with them. In this accord there was an article, that he should not call them at any time all together in person : The meaning was, that knowing his dangerous nature, if he meant them treason, some one mought be free to revenge the rest 31. Nevertheless he did with such art and fair usage win their confidence, that he brought them all together to counsel at Sinigalia 32; where he murthered them all. This act, when it was related unto Pope Alexander his father by a Cardinal, as a thing happy, but very perfidious, the Pope said, It was they that had broke their covenant first, in coming altogether.

12. (54) Pope Julius the third, when he was made Pope, gave his hat unto a youth, a favourite of his, with great scandal. Whereupon at one time a Cardinal that mought be free with him, said modestly to him: What did your Holiness see in that young man, to make him Cardinal? Julius answered, What did you see in me, to make me Pope?

13. (55.) The same Julius, upon like occasion of speech, why he should bear so great affection to the same young man, would say; That he had found by astrology that it was the youth's destiny to be a great prelate; which was impossible except himself were Pope; And therefore that he did raise him, as the driver-on of his own fortune.

14. (56.) Sir Thomas Moore had only daughters at the first; and his wife did ever pray for a boy. At last he had a boy; which after, at man's years, proved simple 33 Sir Thomas said to his wife; Thou prayedst so long for a boy, that he will be a boy as long as he lives.

15. (58.) Sir Thomas Moore, the day 34 he was beheaded, had a barber sent to him, because his hair was long, which was thought would make him more commiserable 35 with the people. The barber came to him and asked him, whether he would be pleased to be trimmed? In good faith, honest fellow, (said Sir Thomas) the King and I have a suit for my head, and till the title be cleared I will do no cost upon it.

R.

16. (59.) Stephen Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester, a great champion of the

25 within compass. R.

27 hath been ever. R.

29 now that he hath left.

30 he intends to crown my innocency with the glory of martyrdom.

R.

31 he mought [qy mought not ?] have opportunity to oppress them altogether at once.

32 he used such fine art and fair carriage that he won their confidence to meet altogether in counsel at Cinigalia.

33 but simple. R.

B.W.

R.

Papists 36, was wont to say of the Protestants, who ground upon the Scripture, That they were like posts, that bring truth in their letters, and lies in their mouths.

17. (125.) The Lacedæmonians were besieged by the Athenians in the Fort 37 of Peile; which was won, and some slain and some taken. There was one said to one of them that was taken, by way of scorn, Were not they brave men that lost their lives at the Fort of Peile? He answered, Certainly a Persian arrow is much to be set by, if it can choose out a brave man.

18. (208.) After the defeat of Cyrus the younger, Falinus was sent by the King to the Grecians, (who had for their part rather victory than otherwise), to command them to yield their arms. Which when it was denied, Falinus said to Clearchus; Well then, the King lets you know, that if you remove from the place where you are now encamped, it is war: if you stay, it is truce. What shall I say you will do? Clearchus answered, It pleaseth us as it pleaseth the King. How is that? saith Falinus. Saith Clearchus, If we remove, war: if we stay, truce. And so would not disclose his purpose.

19. (126.) Clodius was acquit by a corrupt jury, that had palpably taken shares of money. Before they gave up their verdict, they prayed of the Senate a guard, that they might do their consciences freely; for Clodius was a very seditious young nobleman. Whereupon all the world gave him for condemned. But acquitted he was. Catulus, the next day, seeing some of them that had acquitted him together, said to them; What made you to ask of us a guard? Were you afraid your money should have been taken from you?

20. (127). At the same judgment, Cicero gave in evidence upon oath : and the jury (which consisted of fifty-seven) passed against his evidence. One day in the Senate, Cicero and Clodius being in altercation, Clodius upbraided him and said; The jury gave you no credit. Cicero answered, Five-and-twenty gave me credit: but there were two-and-thirty that gave you no credit, for they had their money aforehand.

21. (80.) Many men, especially such as affect gravity, have a manner after other men's speech to shake their heads. Sir Lionel Cranfield would say 38, That it was as men shake a bottle, to see if there were any wit in their head or no.

† 22. Sir Thomas Moore (who was a man in all his lifetime that had an excellent vein in jesting) at the very instant of his death, having a pretty long beard, after his head was upon the block, lift it up again, and gently drew his beard aside, and said, This hath not offended the King.

23. (60.) Sir Thomas Moore had sent him by a suitor in the chancery two silver flagons. When they were presented by the gentleman's servant, he said to one of his men; Have him to the cellar, and let him have of my best wine. And turning to the servant, said, Tell thy master, friend, if he like it, let him not spare

it.

24. (129.) Diogenes, having seen that the kingdom of Macedon, which before was contemptible and low, began to come aloft, when he died, was asked; How he would be buried? He answered, With my face downward; for within a while the world will be turned upside down, and then I shall lie right.

25. (130.) Cato the elder was wont to say, That the Romans were like sheep: A man were better drive a flock of them than one of them.

26. (201.) Themistocles in his lower fortune was in love with a young gentleman who scorned him. When he grew to his greatness, which was soon after, he sought to him: but Themistocles said; We are both grown wise, but too late.

27. Demonax the philosopher, when he died, was asked touching his burial. He answered, Never take care for burying me, for stink will bury me. He that asked him, said again: Why would you have your body left to dogs and ravens to feed upon? Demonax answered, Why, what great hurt is it, if having sought to do good, when I lived, to men, my body do some good to beasts, when I am dead.

28. Jack Roberts was desired by his tailor, when the reckoning grew somewhat high, to have a bill of his hand. Roberts said: I am content, but you must let no man know it. When the tailor brought him the bill, he tore it, as in choler,

36 the Popish religion. R.

37 Port. R. Phyle? or Pylus ? 38 A great officer of this land would say. R.