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critical aspects of public affairs. This session only continued to the 28th of June, and did very little business. Of course the organization was effected in the interest of the Administration. The non-inter

course law was somewhat modified, at this session, and continued.

Troubles now thickened around the new Administration. The Federalists claimed that the embargo act which had finally been succeeded by the little less objectionable non-intercourse measure, was not only ruinous directly to the country, but also that Jefferson and Madison had intended by it to aid the purpose of France in the destruction of British power on the sea, and that the President and his advisers were now privately interested in that purpose. While the embargo and non-intercourse laws were hurtful enough, as nobody would dispute, there is not the slightest ground for believing that either Mr. Madison or his predecessor was ever privy to any designs of France upon England, or that they did not join in the common anxiety and dread as to the schemes of Bonaparte.

The Federalists said that the embargo act was a direct attack at the commerce and manufactures of Great Britain, and that country could do no otherwise than resist. But this was no argument against the measure, necessarily. It was meant by its advocates to affect British interests, and was deemed a retaliatory necessity on the part of this country. It was only claimed by its advocates to be a corrective measure. And although it cut both ways, against its friends, as well as its foreign enemy, and was no doubt unwise, as it certainly was ineffective in its purpose of bringing England to reasonable terms, it only deserves to

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be ranked with not a few other similarly unwise and ineffective measures, put forward with apparently the best motives, here and there, since the beginning of the Government. But this is all that may be said in favor of any of these erroneous steps. Good intentions are poor palliations for unwise deeds. No public administration or private character can stand on a defense so founded.

It was said by the opposition that, "this hasty and violent step on the part of the United States was the more remarkable, as, in our intercourse with the enemies of Great Britain, we had not only forborne to do justice to ourselves, but had been singularly moderate in our conduct under injuries, which were unquestionable in their nature, and weighty in their degree." That, "the perseverance with which the Administration continues to demand, as indispensable to any treaty, the formal surrender of rights essential to the safety of the British nation, is complete evidence of a determination not to conclude a treaty with them during the present war (in Europe)." That, "this exterminating war, then, upon neutral commerce, under which the trade of the United States is doomed to expire, was obviously commenced by France." And that, "true spirit of conciliation has never been displayed in any negotiation between our Administration and England. On the contrary, our conduct has uniformly betrayed our fears, that the restoration of amicable. intercourse with that nation would be the signal for war with France."

So it may be seen how completely the Federalists had taken up the old extravagant and unreasonable spirit of censure and criticism which had years before

belonged to their political opponents. It was simply the perpetual question of differences between the ins and the outs, the temptations mainly being on the side of the latter.

Mr. Madison's letters to Jefferson were quite numerous, especially during the first year of his Presidency. They were in the same open, friendly, reliant terms as formerly, freely discussing matters of interest to the country, but showing no shadow of subserviency to his old friend. This he never had done in truth, more than in accommodation to the respect and esteem he had for him. While at times it is quite evident that his letters were shaped with special reference to drawing out Mr. Jefferson's frank views, it is yet everywhere apparent that they were mainly meant to gratify his friend's disposition to keep well informed as to the movements and dangers of the Government with which he had been so long identified, and as a token of the continuance of the confidence and friendship which had been closer, and in general terms, better founded, than in the case of any other of all his public associates.

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As the complications with Great Britain became more doubtful and vexatious, the indications became more apparent that the great mass of the people would stand by the Administration in any emergency. the summer and fall of 1809, addresses of sympathy and support from various parts of the country began to pour in upon the President. In answer to one of these from New Orleans he wrote:

"The Nation into whose bosom you have been received must always rejoice in your prosperity, because it at once indicates and promotes the general prosperity. Never was such a connection

more distinctly pointed out by nature herself, nor can the recip rocal benefits of it ever cease while the laudable and enlightened sentiments, which you proclaim, shall continue to pervade the great body of our fellow-citizens."

To another he wrote:

"The Constitution of the United States is well entitled to the high character you assign to it. It is among the proofs of its merit that it is capable of inspiring with admiration and attachment the most distant members of the comprehensive family over whom its guardianship extends. And it is equally honorable to their enlarged patriotism to cherish those sentiments, while the immaturity of their situation suspends a part of the advantages common to their fellow-citizens of elder communities."

CHAPTER XIV.

MR. MADISON IN THE PRESIDENTIAL CHAIR-FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE-ANTE-BELLUM SIGNS.

ON

N the 27th of November, 1809, Congress again assembled, and remained in session until May 1st of the next year.

The following are Mr. Madison's message at the beginning of the special session, and his first annual message at the opening of this session of Congress :

SPECIAL SESSION-MESSAGE.

May 23, 1809.

"FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: "On this first occasion of meeting you, it affords me much satisfaction to be able to communicate the commencement of a favorable change in our foreign relations; the critical state of which induced a session of Congress at this early period.

"In consequence of the provisions of the act interdicting commercial intercourse with Great Britain and France, our ministers at London and Paris were without delay instructed to let it be understood by the French and British governments, that the authority vested in the Executive to renew commercial intercourse with their respective nations would be exercised in the case specified by that act.

"Soon after these instructions were despatched, it was found that the British government, anticipating from early proceedings of Congress at their last session, the state of our laws which has been the effect of placing the two belligerent powers on a footing of equal restrictions, and, relying on the conciliatory disposition of the United States, had transmitted to their legation here provisional instructions not only to offer satisfaction for the attack on the frigate Chesapeake, and to make known the determination of his

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