and religious; and to combine with a liberal system of foreign commerce an improvement of the natural advantages, and a protection and extension of the independent resources of our highlyfavored and happy country.

"In all measures having such objects my faithful co-operation will be afforded."

The experiences of the war had greatly widened and improved the character of Mr. Madison's statesmanship. This message was worthy of John Quincy Adams in its internal improvement features. The army and the navy had taken a new place in the President's esteem. Military academies were now deemed necessary to render the militia, the great hope of the country, effective! Schools, turnpikes, wagonroads, canals, all the objects of internal improvements then known to the country, are here frankly advocated, "which can best be executed under the national authority."

And all of these views were based upon the patriotic and statesman-like conviction that "these considerations are strengthened, moreover, by the political effect of these facilities for intercommunication in bringing and binding more closely together the various parts of our extended confederacy."

At this session the whole policy of the war was reviewed, and additional steps taken to reduce public affairs to the conditions of peace. The former provision for a direct tax of six millions was changed, and half of the amount substituted. Rates of postage,

and various duties were reduced. A new protective tariff was provided, which, however, was not sufficient to give great aid to American manufactories. A gradual increase of the navy was provided for, and appro

priations made for arms and equipments for the militia. Very benevolent steps were taken to relieve the actual settlers on the public lands, and to enable those to secure their homes who had been unable to pay for them. But the most important act of this session was the incorporation of a national bank. For several years this question had been before Congress, and once, as has been seen, Mr. Madison had vetoed a bill for a bank. At the outset of the war financial affairs had fallen into disorder somewhat. In the absence of Mr. Gallatin, William Jones, Secretary of the Navy, an energetic and efficient man, had performed the additional duties of the Treasury Office, from May, 1813, to February, 1814. At this time George Washington Campbell, then a Senator from Tennessee, became Secretary of the Treasury. Mr. Campbell was probably unfavorable to a national bank, but he said nothing about it in his first report. His report was not, however, satisfactory to Congress, and the impression was left that he was not able to master the difficult task on which he had entered. Congress detected at once evidence of the necessity for another man at the head of the Treasury. Mr. Campbell lost his health, and also, perhaps, his own confidence, and resigned. Against this time a disposition had developed in the Senate to support for the place Alexander James Dallas, of Philadelphia, whom the President had formerly designated as his deliberate choice. Mr. Dallas's opponents gave way and he was appointed, and under his great exertions the monetary affairs of the country were materially advanced. Here again began the struggle for the establishment of a national bank, which Mr. Dallas supported.

Mr. Dallas was a lawyer and politician of strong partisan proclivities, and although his ability was admitted, Congress lacked confidence in his knowledge of political economy, and his strength as financial director of affairs at such a crisis. And there was no inconsiderable aversion displayed at first for his powdered hair and pompous manners. But born in a tropical climate, and inheriting a warm and enthusiastic nature, he took hold of his office with a vigor which surprised even his firmest supporters. Not having been connected with legislative bodies, he had not imbibed the general feeling of dependence, and deference for their authority, and at once boldly announced his plans and urged the necessity of Congressional action. His views as to a bank were rejected, but his plans for loans, for supplying the treasury, and generally advancing the interests of the country were successful. It was owing greatly to his arguments, as well as the necessities of the times, that Mr. Madison had modified his views concerning a bank against the winter of 1815. The everlasting question of constitutionality as to a national bank still disturbed Mr. Madison as it did many members of Congress, who made that the burden. of all they knew about it, and of their opposition; although they seemed to be gratified in the end, that men, controlled by mere views of expediency, had been able to prevail in what they themselves suspected would result in benefit to the country, as it really appeared to be the only way out of difficulties which were increasing without remedy. The great struggle, however, over the Bank of the United States was not in its birth but in its death under the iron will of General Jackson, when there again Mr. Madison took sides

with Henry Clay, a man in whom he had much more confidence, as one of its supporters.

A national bank was incorporated with a capital of thirty-five millions of dollars to run twenty years, in April, 1816. The measure met what was termed strong opposition, but it was supported by a majority of the Democrats in both Houses, and by most of the Federalists, and the President signed the bill with pleasure.

CHAPTER XXX.

MR. MADISON'S LAST ANNUAL MESSAGE-THE FARMER AND POLITICIAN AT MONTPELLIER-RETROSPECTIVE

DUR

PERIOD-HUMAN SLAVERY.

URING the last session of Congress the nomination for the Presidency was made in the usual way. The candidates were James Monroe and William H. Crawford. A fruitless effort had been made by New York to bring D. D. Tompkins before the caucus for the first place. Mr. Crawford exhibited unexpected strength in the meeting, only falling eleven votes behind Mr. Monroe, who was well known to be the choice of the President and his friends. Daniel D. Tompkins received the nomination for the VicePresidency.

At this time there was some little talk of Andrew Jackson for the Presidency. He had one supporter for the position at this early date in the now powerless Aaron Burr, who hated the Virginia Dynasty.

The election was not one of much interest. The Federalists gave thirty-two electoral votes to Rufus King for the Presidency, and their few votes for the Vice-Presidency they scattered between John E. Howard, James Ross, Justice John Marshall, and R. G. Harper. There were three electoral vacancies in Maryland, and one in Delaware. And Monroe and Tompkins each received one hundred and eighty-three votes.