The New Ministry.

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support in general matters might be looked for from the Peelites, who still exercised a certain amount of influence, though as a corporate body they had long ceased to exist. There was, however, reason to hope that by force of personal character the Cabinet might exercise a greater power than at first seemed probable. Lord Derby was supported in the Upper House by the Marquis of Salisbury and Lords Chelmsford, Hardwicke and Malmesbury, whilst Mr. Disraeli in the Lower shared the Treasury Bench with Sir John Pakington, Mr. Walpole, General Peel, Lord John Manners and Mr. Henley. Sir Fitzroy Kelly and Sir Hugh Cairns were respectively Attorney and Solicitor General, and Mr. Gathorne Hardy made his début in official life as Under Secretary at the Home Office. The greatest accession to the strength of the Government was, however, the acceptance of office by Lord Ellenborough as President of the Board of Control-an appointment which afforded a promise, not afterwards disappointed, of a wise, strong and statesmanlike policy for India. The Whigs, following the lead of Lord Macaulay, have, it may be remarked, uniformly depreciated the powers and character of this statesman. It may be admitted that he was not always conspicuous as the wisest of men-especially when manifestoes designed for oriental eyes came to be measured by the cut and dry rules of Whig officialism; but that he was a great and capable statesman is a fact concerning which there can hardly be two opinions. His conduct at the Board of Control during his unfortunately too brief tenure of office, certainly affords no reason for impugning this verdict.

CHAPTER IX.

IN OFFICE, 1858-1859.

Lord Derby reluctant to take Office-Mr. Disraeli's Address-Speech from the Hustings Foreign Policy of the Government-Reform-The French Alliance -Lord Malmesbury's Despatch-The Emperor's Pamphlet-The Cagliari Business-Mr. Disraeli's Speech-General Business of the House-Reform― The India Bill-First reading-Compromise-Resolutions-The New Bill— Rebellion in Oude-Lord Canning's Proclamation-Censure by the Govern ment-Lord Ellenborough's Retirement-Montalembert's Pamphlet —The Slough Dinner-The "Cabal" Debates on the Speech-Mr. Disraeli on his Defence Financial Policy of the Government-The Budget-Reduction of the Income Tax-Equalization of the Spirit Duties-Budget well receivedCost of Whig Foreign Policy-State of the Thames-A Government Measure--Prorogation-Speech from the Throne-The Recess-Impending War between Austria and France-England the Mediator-Reform—Retirement of Mr. Walpole and Mr. Henley-Difficulties of the Government-Session of 1859-The Queen's Speech-Debate on the Address-Mr. Disraeli on ItalyReform--The Government Bill-Fancy Franchises-Redistribution-The Bill unpopular-Debate on the Second Reading-Tactics of the OppositionLord John Russell's Amendment-State of Europe-Defeat of the Govern ment-Ministerial Statements-The impending Dissolution-Statement on Condition of Europe -The Dissolution-Mr. Disraeli in Buckinghamshire— The "enormous lies" of the Opposition press-Results of the Election-The Queen opens Parliament-Lord Hartington moves an Amendment to the Address-Sir James Graham's Accusations against the Government-Mr. Disraeli's Reply-On Foreign Policy-On Reform-How can a New Govern. ment be formed-The Division-Out of Office once more.

HAD such a step been possible, there can be no doubt that Lord Derby would have declined to attempt the formation of a Government in 1858. Seeing, however, that the effect of doing so would have been to confess the annihilation of the Tory

Mr. Disraelis Address.

53

party, he was forced to go on in spite of the facts that he could not command a Parliamentary majority, that Lord Palmerston still enjoyed a considerable amount of what now appears a wholly unwarranted popularity, and that the relations of this country with foreign powers, and especially with France, were in a state of tension of the most perilous kind. In his address to the electors of Buckinghamshire, Mr. Disraeli made special reference to the latter fact. "The circumstances of the country are," said he, "in many respects critical. Painful misconceptions have arisen with the Government of that faithful and powerful ally, who in so many instances has proved his good feeling and fidelity to this country. Believing that a cordial alliance between England and France is equally conducive to the interests of both countries, I shall express my hope and conviction, that by measures at once firm and conciliatory, these causes of misunderstanding may be speedily and entirely removed."

In his address to the electors from the hustings, he enlarged on this text at some length, pointing out the eminent desirability of maintaining the Anglo-French alliance, both on our own account and in the general interests of Europe. "It is," said he, "the essence of English policy, and not only of English policy but of French policy also, that there should be an alliance between England and France. It is an alliance founded upon a principle totally independent of forms of government, totally independent of dynasties, totally independent even of the character of the rulers of that country. It does, indeed, so happen that the present ruler of France is a man eminently gifted, who from a variety of circumstances naturally exercises a great influence over events. The Emperor Napoleon

...

is not only a Prince, but he is a statesman. The Emperor Napoleon is a man who has not only a great knowledge of human nature generally, but he is a man who has a great knowledge of English human nature; and it is clear, that when the Ruler of France is not only a statesman, but one intimately acquainted with the character, the laws, the customs and the whole condition of England, we have a security for the cultivation and maintenance of that alliance which, under other and less favourable circumstances, we might not have enjoyed. . . . You have found France and the Ruler of France a faithful ally in a great emergency-not a faithful ally of mere courtly phrases expressed in a Queen's speech or in a diplomatic document, but in the deeds of a nation sealed by blood and crowned by victory." After dwelling at some length on the national character of the Anglo-French alliance, as evidenced by the general feeling of the people, Mr. Disraeli went on to speak of the late attempt on the life of the Emperor, which he very reasonably believed to have excited as much horror and disgust in England as in France itself. It was, however, a subject for deep regret, that the French Government and French public opinion should in their indignant consternation have visited that atrocity upon the land and the people of England. And it was not less a matter for regret, that the complaints of France should have been treated as they had been by the late Government. "An English Minister might at that moment, by frankness and firmness, which are quite consistent with the most entire friendship and friendliness, have indicated to the French Government, in a manner which could not have been mistaken, the error of their ways, which would have prevented them from pursuing a course of error, every step of which rendered it more

Speech from the Hustings.

55

difficult for them to recede, and which, while it vindicated the honour of our country and the dignity of our Government, might at the same time have respected with sympathy the feelings of France, and have retained and even cherished that cordial friendship which I think so invaluable. But I am bound to say, and indeed the Parliament of this country has ratified that opinion, that I perceive in the conduct of the late Government, with regard to this important transaction, a total absence of those qualities which were adequate to the great occasion. Instead of a public reply we have had private conversations. Instead of a firm and frank exposition to France of our feelings, and of the false position into which she was drifting, so far as we can form any opinion as to the course which was then pursued on the part of the English Government, there was vacillation, timidity, intrigue, manœuvre, anything but an open assertion of our rights, anything but a firm though friendly demonstration to the French Government of the error they were committing, anything but those means which were requisite when the peace of two great nations-when indeed the peace and future happiness of Europe-were depending in the scale."

Entering then a little more into detail, Mr. Disraeli described how Lord Derby had taken office at the pressing instance of Her Majesty personally, with the express object of on the one hand maintaining the dignity of the country, and on the other of maintaining-perhaps reviving-our cordial alliance with France. For success in accomplishing this task, the new Chancellor of the Exchequer confessed that he looked mainly to the "sagacious and unimpassioned intelligence of the Emperor." When he came to look at the affair, and to investigate the