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ly, you shall be gratified," and so saying, he re-entered the carriage and departed.

on.

The cause was soon after called Upon the bench sat upwards of twenty clergymen, the most able and learned men in the colony; and there also in some official situation sat his own father! Every nook of the Court-house was crowded, almost to suffocation, by an expectant, and in some degree an exasperated, multitude. The counsel for the clergy, in a succinct, unanswerable statement, opened their case. The moment now arrived when Patrick was for the first time to address a public audience. What a trial for any man! but, above all, for a father and a husband! Fame, fortune, life, -the existence even of his family, hung upon the effort. It is said of Lord Erskine, that on his debût in the King's Bench, his agitation almost overcame him, and he was just going to sit down-" At that moment," said he, "I thought I felt my little children tugging at my gown, and the idea roused me to an exertion of which I did not think myself capable."

When Henry rose, nothing could have been more dispiriting to a client than his appearance the few first sentences filled the people with consternation-he was all but contemptible-the clergy began to leer at each other across the benchthe unfortunate father hung down his head in hopeless dejection; and the uncouth-looking clown who claimed the public attention excited only surprise at his presumption, scarcely softened by pity for his infirmities. In a short time, however, how altered became the scene! As Henry warmed, he seemed to shed his nature-the rustic shell fell from himhis person seemed to undergo a mystical transformation-his mien became majestic-his eye flashed firethe tones of his voice fell directly upon the heart, and he stood before his mute and vassal auditory, a creature of inspiration! The effect was incredible appalled by the fury of one of his terrible invectives, the clergy fled affrighted from the bench; and the jury, obedient to his bidding, returned a verdict of one penny damages. The effect of the advocate died not with the hour: and even at

the present day, if a Virginian peasant wishes to praise an orator, the ne plus ultra of his panegyric is"he is almost equal to Patrick when he pleaded against the parsons."

The fame of Henry soon spread throughout Virginia, and ensured him more than his share of the meagre practice which its courts were capable of affording. There was little wonder that he was hailed as a phenomenon. He was without any model, and he could have no imitator. To books he owed littleto cultivation, less-he was at once the child and the orator of nature. The people almost adored him, because they looked on him as one of themselves; and he, aware of the advantage which this prepossession gave him, endeavoured to foster it by every means in his power. He lived on the fare, affected the habits, spoke the dialect, sought the familiarity, and for ever after submissively bowed to "the majesty of the people." This policy resulted from an instinctive shrewdness. Conscious of his powers, he doubtless felt that the political convulsions which then began to agitate his country must one day call them into action; he was aware too that a selfish and jealous aristocracy would naturally spurn the intrusion of a peasant upon their hereditary precincts, and he worshipped the multitude, to whom alone he looked for support and distinction. To his honour, it should be added, that in after life, when fame elated, and prosperity raised him, he never forgot the patrons of his early fortunes, but died, as he had lived, one of the people.

Soon after his success in the "parsons' cause," he removed to Louisa county, at the bar of which he pursued his practice. His old habits, however, appear to have clung closely to him; after his removal, he frequently hunted the deer for several days together, carrying his provision along with him, and at night sleeping in the woods! "After the hunt was over (say his biographers), he would go from the ground to Louisa court, clad in a coarse cloth coat stained with all the trophies of the chase, greasy leather breeches ornamented in the same way, leggings for boots, and a pair of saddle bags on his arm. Thus accoutred, he would enter the

court-house, take up the first of his causes which happened to be called, and, if there was any scope for his peculiar talent, astonish every one by the effusions of his natural eloquence." There appears to have been some charm about him which overcame every difficulty, and captivated irresistibly all who heard him. "I could, (said one of the judges of the district court in which he practised) I could write a letter, or draw a plea or declaration, at the bar with as much accuracy as in my office, under all circumstances, except when Patrick was speaking; but whenever he rose, although it might be on so trifling a subject as a summons and petition for twenty shillings, I was obliged to lay down my pen, and could not write another syllable until the speech was finished." Such a tribute is worth a whole volume of commentary. Nor does it appear either preposterous in itself, or the result of any undue partiality. Every account which has come to us of this extraordinary man, concurs in stating, that his power over an audience was almost despotic-the magic lay in his tones and emphasis, which they say "struck upon the ear and upon the heart, in a way which language cannot tell."

Our limits will not allow us to follow Mr. Henry through his preliminary progress at the bar, although many of the cases in which he distinguished himself possess considerable interest. But a period had now arrived which raised him to an eminence unattainable by the most brilliant professional exertions. The applause of judges, the dominion over juries, the extravagant verdict, and the enthusiastic auditory, all dwindle into comparative insignificance. The day was come, when the peasant of Virginia was to inscribe his name upon the page of immortality-was to enroll himself amongst the men upon whose memory the future children of America will dwell with rapture, as the founders of their nation's greatnessthe day-beams of its glory. In order, however, justly to appreciate his exertions, it is necessary to take a short retrospect of the political situation of his country, when she called him to her councils. In March, 1764, the British parliament passed

resolutions preparatory to the celebrated and ill-omened Stamp Act. These resolutions were communicated to the House of Burgesses in Virginia, by their local colonial agent, and the result was, an address to the King, a memorial to the House of Lords, and a remonstrance to the Commons. The tone of these papers is, however, sufficiently submissive. They speak the language of men rather anxious to avert a calamity, than conscious of the ability to contend with it. But all entreaty was in vain-fancied Might seemed to constitute Right with the statesmen of that day in England; and, in January, 1765, the Stamp Act received the royal assent, to take effect in the colonies on the November following. The announcement of this intelligence seemed at first to paralyze America. The timid gave themselves up to despair, and even the bravest seemed to consider resistance as a thing not to be dreamed of. The scanty population of the colonies formed of itself an insurmountable impediment; and that this was the opinion of some of the boldest and wisest of their republicans is apparent from the address of Dr. Franklin to Mr. Ingersoll, about that time, on his return to America. "Go home," said he," and tell your countrymen to get children as fast as they can." Many, it is true, were sullen enough, and willing to resist, if possible; but even to these there appeared no alternative but death or slavery. At this critical juncture, Henry was elected member of the Virginian Colonial Legislature, for the county of Louisa. The writ of election is dated May 1, 1765. The first question upon which he spoke was against the creation of a local job, in which he succeeded against the indignant union of the entire aristocracy. This, of course, excited on their parts a bitter spirit of exasperation against him. It was natural enough. Those who had been accustomed to consider themselves as the hereditary rulers of the colony could ill brook the intrusion of a mere peasant; and the consequence was, as in all such cases, a lavish expenditure on their part of the epithets, "malcontent, demagogue, and declaimer." On the other hand, however, he was loudly claim

ed by the people as their champion, each of whom contemplating the triumph, as it were, of one of themselves, felt as if he had acquired an individual importance. Amid these contentions, he seems to have hung back modestly enough for some time on the subject of the Stamp Act; to oppose the execution of which, he had expressly been elected. What his motives for this were, it is now impossible to discover; but it is not unlikely, that, aware of his own comparative unimportance, he awaited the signal from some leader of greater experience and authority. Having waited, however, in vain, till within three days of the close of the session, he then at length came forward with his far-famed resolutions. Their bold and decided tone struck a panic into the aristocracy. They directly accused the King, Lords, and Commons, of Great Britain, of tyranny and despotism. Little is it to be wondered at, therefore, that he was opposed, not only by the advocates of the mother country, and the friends of the existing establishments, but even by many prudent men, who afterwards evinced the most intrepid patriotism. But Henry's eloquence bore down all opposition; and by a majority of ONE he carried the resolution, which, in fact, founded the independence of America. The resolutions embraced by his motion were five in number; the last and strongest of which was as follows. "Resolved, therefore, that the general assembly of this colony have the sole right and power to lay taxes and impositions upon the inhabitants of this colony; and that every attempt to vest such power in any person or persons whatsoever, other than the general assembly aforesaid, has a manifest tendency to destroy British as well as American freedom." This single sentence, in fact, involved the entire principle of the subsequent struggle. The following is a brief but interesting account, as given by Mr. Jefferson, of this momentous experiment. "Mr. Henry moved, and Mr. Johnston seconded, these resolutions successively. They were opposed by all the old members, whose influence in the house had, till then, been unbroken. But torrents of sublime eloquence from Henry, backed by the solid reasoning

The last,

of Johnston, prevailed. however, and strongest resolution was carried but by a single vote. The debate on it was most bloody. I was then but a student, and stood at the door of communication between the house and the lobby, during the whole debate; and I well remember, that after the numbers on the division were told and declared from the chair, Peyton Randolph, the attorney general, came out at the door where I was standing, and said, as he entered the lobby, By GI would have given 500 guineas for a single vote;' for one vote would have divided the house; and the chairman, he knew, would have negatived the resolution. Mr. Henry left town that night."

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It is a singular fact, that he had previously shown these resolutions to only two persons. They were instantly adopted by all the colonial legislatures, and spread the flame of liberty over the whole Continent. On Henry's death, a paper was found in his hand-writing, sealed up, and thus indorsed: "Inclosed are the resolutions of the Virginia assembly in 1765, concerning the Stamp Act. Let my executors open this paper."

On the back of this document, containing the resolutions, there is the following simple statement of this transaction, also in the hand-writing of their author. "The within resolutions passed the House of Burgesses in May, 1765. They formed the first opposition to the Stamp Act, and the scheme of taxing America by the British parliament. All the colonies, either through fear, or want of opportunity to form an opposition, or from influence of some kind or other, had remained silent. I had been for the first time elected a Burgess a few days before, was young and inexperienced, unacquainted with the forms of the house, and the members that composed it. Finding the men of weight averse to opposition, and the commencement of the tax at hand, and that no person was likely to step forth, I determined to venture; and alone, unadvised and unassisted, on a blank leaf of an old law book wrote the within. Upon offering them to the house, violent debates ensued. Many threats were uttered, and much abuse cast on me by the party for submission. After a long

ours.

and warm contest, the resolutions passed by a very small majority, perhaps of one or two only. The alarm spread throughout America with astonishing quickness, and the ministerial party were overwhelmed. The great point of resistance to British taxation was universally established in the colonies. This brought on the war which finally separated the two countries, and gave independence to Whether this will prove a blessing or a curse, will depend upon the use our people make of the blessings which a gracious God hath bestowed on us. If they are wise, they will be great and happy. If they are of a contrary character, they will be miserable-righteousness alone can exalt them as a nation. Readerwhoever thou art, remember this; and in thy sphere, practise virtue thyself, and encourage it in others. P. HENRY." Such is the plain and modest account given by Henry, of one of the most interesting events perhaps in the annals of our history. The tradition of his eloquence on this occasion, and of the effect which it produced on the assembly, is unfortunately all that has come down to us. There does not appear to have been a single record of the debate preserved. The following anecdote, however, given on the authority of one of the assembly, may afford some idea of the intrepid selfpossession for which he was distinguished. In the very fury and whirlwind of his invective against Great Britain, he exclaimed: "Cæsar had his Brutus-Charles the First, his Cromwell-and George the Third("Treason," exclaimed the speaker -"treason, treason," echoed from every corner of the house.) "Yes," (said Henry, never faltering for a moment, and fixing an eye of fire upon the speaker) and George the Third-may profit by their example if this be treason, make the most of it." Such an incident strikes upon the mind at once; but in order to appreciate it justly, we must transport ourselves into Henry's situation, alone in an assembly, one third of whom were his determined enemies, and at a time when the scales were suspended between thraldom and emancipation. The effect was electric-every hour it gathered strength, and at length, when November ar

rived, in which month, according to its provisions, the Stamp Act was to be put in force, England might as easily, with an infant's hand, have attempted to roll back the torrent of Niagara.

It would be quite beside our purpose in this place to record the system of irritation on the one hand, and of resistance on the other, by which the dismemberment of the British empire was laboriously accomplished. Throughout the whole of the contest, Henry was determined and consistent. Indeed, he seems at once to have seen the struggle in its advent and its conclusion. It is recorded of him, on living authority not to be doubted, that before one drop of blood was shed, being in company at a Colonel Overton's, he was asked by his host whether he thought Great Britain would drive her colonies to extremities? “Yes,” said he, "she will drive us to extremities-no accommodation will take place--hostilities will soon commence, and a desperate and bloody touch it will be!" "But," replied Colonel Overton, " do you think, Mr. Henry, that an infant nation as we are, without discipline, arms, ammunition, ships of war, or money to procure them-do you think it possible, thus circumstanced, to oppose successfully the fleets and armies of Great Britain?" "I will be candid with you," said Henry; "I doubt whether we shall be able alone to cope with so powerful a nation. But, (continued he, rising from his chair with great animation) "where is France? Where is Spain? Where is Holland? The natural enemies of Great Britain-where will they be all this while? Do you suppose that they will stand by idle and indifferent spectators of the contest? Will Louis the Sixteenth be asleep all this time? Believe me, no-when he shall be satisfied by our serious opposition, and our declaration of independence, that all prospect of reconciliation is gone, then, and not till then, will he furnish us with arms, ammunition, and clothing; and not with these only, but he will send his fleets and armies to fight our battles for us; he will form with us a treaty, offensive and defensive, against our unnatural mother. Spain and Holland will join the confederation, independence will

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be established, and we shall take our stand among the nations of the earth." The narrator goes on to say, that the whole company startled at the mention of independence-it was the first time the idea had been even suggested, but the manner with which Henry uttered it had all the fervour of the prophet, and events soon arose which almost gave him a claim to the character.

Not long after this, in consequence of the destruction of a cargo of tea by the people of Boston, which was attempted to be forced on them by the British parliament, a meeting took place of various colonial legislatures, which terminated in the grand continental congress at Philadelphia, on September 4, 1774. This assembly closed its first session in the October following, with a spirited address to the King, and one also to the people of North America. On Henry's return to his native state, he gave another instance of his great foresight and discrimination of character. Being naturally interrogated by his countrymen as to the talents of the different members of the Congress, he replied: "If you speak of eloquence, Mr. Rutledge, of South Carolina, is by far the greatest orator; but if you speak of solid information and sound judgment, Colonel Washington is by far the greatest man on that floor!" At this time, to a mere common observer, Washington was remarkable for little, except a natural modesty, almost amounting to bashfulness.* It is unnecessary to say how soon and how fully this opinion was verified.

of

The colonial legislature of Virginia now met again, and here Henry vigorously followed up the blow, which in the same assembly he had before struck in the cause national independence. Although no war proclamation had actually issued from Great Britain, still, ever since the convulsion at Boston, she

had been silently collecting troops on the northern coast of America. This was enough for Henry—his suspicions took the alarm, and he actually proposed the armed organization of the colony! This was a decisive proposition, and so he seems to have felt it. In reply to all the arguments of the prudent, the timid, the interested, and the loyal, he thundered forth a speech which seems to have produced upon America the same effect which that of Demosthenes did upon the Athenians; "Let us march against Philip-let us conquer or die." As this speech exemplified strongly his intrepidity as a patriot, and his general style as an orator, we need make little apology, either to the lover of eloquence or of liberty, for the following extract. Those who peruse it, however, must recollect the time at which it was delivered, and the circumstances which gave rise to it. The storm which he foresaw, and against which he thus prophetically warns his country, was as yet only "a distant speck in the horizon."

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Sir (said he), it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of that syren, till she transforms us into beasts. But is this the part of wise men, engaged in a struggle for liberty? For myself, I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided, and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past; and judging by the past, what has there been in the conduct of the British for these ten years past to justify the hopes in which some gentlemen are indulging? Is it that gracious smile with which our late petition has been received? Trust it not, Sir. Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition comports with those warlike preparations which cover our

and armies necessary to a work of love and

waters and darken our land? Are fleets

reconciliation? Let us not deceive ourselves. These are the implements of war and subjugation; the last arguments to which kings resort. Has Great Britain any enemy in this quarter of the world, to

As a proof of this, the following anecdote is related of Washington. When he had closed his career in the French and India war, and was elected a member of the house of Burgesses, the Speaker communicated to him a resolution of thanks voted by the house, and accompanied it by a warm and flattering eulogium. When Washington rose to acknowledge it, he was so overcome that he could not articulate-he blushed, stammered, and evinced such helpless embarrassment, that the Speaker, with a look of great kindness, said to him, "Sit down, Mr. Washington-your modesty is equal to your valour, and that surpasses the power of any language I possess."

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