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the terror of his arms and prepared the way for the peaceful reception of his authority. An obstinate resistance was fatal to the chiefs; but their followers were treated with lenity.39 A cheerful submission was rewarded with honours and riches; but the prudent Artaxerxes, suffering no person except himself to assume the title of king, abolished every intermediate power between the throne and the people. His kingdom, nearly equal Extent and in extent to modern Persia, was, on every side, bounded by the of Persia sea or by great rivers,-by the Euphrates, the Tigris, the Araxes, the Oxus, and the Indus; by the Caspian Sea and the Gulf of Persia.40 That country was computed to contain, in the last century, five hundred and fifty-four cities, sixty thousand villages, and about forty millions of souls.41 If we compare the administration of the house of Sassan with that of the house of Sesi, the political influence of the Magian with that of the Mahometan religion, we shall probably infer that the kingdom of Artaxerxes contained at least as great a number of cities, villages, and inhabitants. But it must likewise be confessed that in every age the want of harbours on the sea-coast, and the scarcity of fresh water in the inland provinces, have been very unfavourable to the commerce and agriculture of the Persians; who, in the calculation of their numbers, seem to have indulged one of the meanest, though most common, artifices of national vanity.

lation of

As soon as the ambitious mind of Artaxerxes had triumphed Recapituover the resistance of his vassals, he began to threaten the the wars neighbouring states, who, during the long slumber of his pre- the Parth

between

ian and

Roman

39 Agathias, ii. p. 64 [26]. The princes of Segestan defended their indepen- empire dence during many years. As romances generally transport to an ancient period the events of their own time, it is not impossible that the fabulous exploits of Rustan Prince of Segestan may have been grafted on this real history.

40 We can scarcely attribute to the Persian monarchy the sea coast of Gedrosia or Macran, which extends along the Indian Ocean from Cape Jask (the promontory Capella) to Cape Goadel. In the time of Alexander, and probably many ages afterwards, it was thinly inhabited by a savage people of Ichthyophagi, or Fishermen, who knew no arts, who acknowledged no master, and who were divided by inhospitable deserts from the rest of the world. (See Arrian de Reb. Indicis [26].) In the twelfth century, the little town of Taiz (supposed by M. d'Anville to be the Tesa of Ptolemy) was peopled and enriched by the resort of the Arabian merchants. (See Geographia Nubiens. p. 58, and d'Anville, Géographie Ancienne, tom. ii. p. 283.) In the last age the whole country was divided between three princes, one Mahometan and two Idolaters, who maintained their independence against the successors of Shaw Abbas. (Voyages de Tavernier, part i. 1. v. p. 635.) 41 Chardin, tom. iii. c. 1, 2, 3. [The number seems too high. At the present time the population of Iran and Turan (including Afghanistan, Beluchistan, &c.) is said to be between fifteen and sixteen millions.]

Cities
Seleucia

phon

decessors, had insulted Persia with impunity. He obtained some
easy victories over the wild Scythians and the effeminate
Indians; but the Romans were an enemy who, by their past
injuries and present power, deserved the utmost efforts of
his arms.
A forty years' tranquillity, the fruit of valour and
moderation, had succeeded the victories of Trajan. During the
period that elapsed from the accession of Marcus to the reign
of Alexander, the Roman and the Parthian empires were twice
engaged in war; and, although the whole strength of the Arsa-
cides contended with a part only of the forces of Rome, the
event was most commonly in favour of the latter. Macrinus,
indeed, prompted by his precarious situation and pusillanimous
temper, purchased a peace at the expense of near two millions
of our money; 42 but the generals of Marcus, the emperor
Severus, and his son, erected many trophies in Armenia,
Mesopotamia, and Assyria. Among their exploits, the im-
perfect relation of which would have unseasonably interrupted
the more important series of domestic revolutions, we shall only
mention the repeated calamities of the two great cities of
Seleucia and Ctesiphon.

Seleucia, on the western bank of the Tigris, about forty-five and Ctesi- miles to the north of ancient Babylon, was the capital of the Macedonian conquests in Upper Asia. Many ages after the fall of their empire, Seleucia retained the genuine characters of a Grecian colony-arts, military virtue, and the love of freedom. The independent republic was governed by a senate of three hundred nobles; the people consisted of six hundred thousand citizens; the walls were strong, and, as long as concord prevailed among the several orders of the state, they viewed with contempt the power of the Parthian: but the madness of faction was sometimes provoked to implore the dangerous aid of the common enemy, who was posted almost at the gates of the colony.44 The Parthian monarchs, like the Mogul sovereigns of Hindostan, delighted in the pastoral life of their Scythian ancestors; and the Imperial camp was frequently pitched in

42 Dion, 1. xxviii. p. 1335 [27. Two hundred million sesterces. Yet the coins of 218 A.D. boast of a Victoria Parthica.]

43 For the precise situation of Babylon, Seleucia, Ctesiphon, Modain, and Bagdad, cities often confounded with each other, see an excellent Geographical Tract of M. d'Anville in Mém. de l'Académie, tom. xxx.

44 Tacit. Annal. vi. 42. Plin. Hist. Nat. vi. 26.

45

the plain of Ctesiphon, on the eastern bank of the Tigris, at the distance of only three miles from Seleucia. The innumerable attendants on luxury and despotism resorted to the court, and the little village of Ctesiphon insensibly swelled into a great city.46 Under the reign of Marcus, the Roman generals penetrated as far as Ctesiphon and Seleucia. They were received as friends by the Greek colony; they attacked as enemies the seat of the Parthian kings; yet both cities ex- A.D. 166 perienced the same treatment. The sack and conflagration of Seleucia, with the massacre of three hundred thousand of the inhabitants, tarnished the glory of the Roman triumph.48 Seleucia, already exhausted by the neighbourhood of a too powerful rival, sunk under the fatal blow; but Ctesiphon, in a.d. 198 about thirty-three years, had sufficiently recovered its strength to maintain an obstinate siege against the emperor Severus. The city was, however, taken by assault; the king, who defended it in person, escaped with precipitation; an hundred thousand captives and a rich booty rewarded the fatigues of the Roman soldiers.49 Notwithstanding these misfortunes, Ctesiphon succeeded to Babylon and to Seleucia as one of the great capitals of the East.50 In summer, the monarch of Persia enjoyed at Ecbatana the cool breezes of the mountains of Media; but the mildness of the climate engaged him to prefer Ctesiphon for his winter residence.

of Os

From these successful inroads the Romans derived no real or Conquest lasting benefit; nor did they attempt to preserve such distant rhoene conquests, separated from the provinces of the empire by a Romans

45 This may be inferred from Strabo, 1. xvi. p. 743.

46 That most curious traveller, Bernier (see Hist. de Voyages, tom. x.), who followed the camp of Aurengzebe from Delhi to Cashmir, describes with great accuracy the immense moving city. The guard of cavalry consisted of 35,000 men, that of infantry of 10,000. It was computed that the camp contained 150,000 horses, mules, and elephants; 50,000 camels, 50,000 oxen, and between 300,000 and 400,000 persons. Almost all Delhi followed the court, whose magnificence supported its industry.

47 [These successes were achieved by Avidius Cassius. He took Nisibis, and Dausara near Edessa. The Parthians were defeated at Europos in Cyrrhestica.]

48 Dion, 1. lxxi. p. 1178 [2]. Hist. August. p. 38 [v. 8]. Eutrop. viii. 10. Euseb. in Chronic. [ann. 2180]. Quadratus (quoted in the Augustan History) attempted to vindicate the Romans by alleging that the citizens of Seleucia had first violated their faith.

49 Dion, 1. lxxv. p. 1263 [9]. Herodian, 1. iii. p. 120 [9]. Hist. August. p. 70 [x. 16. Hiemali prope tempore, which fixes the capture to end of 197 or beginning of 198 A.D.]

50 [Ctesiphon was restored by Sapor II.]

by the

A.D. 216

large tract of intermediate desert. The reduction of the kingdom of Osrhoene was an acquisition of less splendour indeed, but of a far more solid advantage. That little state occupied the northern and most fertile part of Mesopotamia, between the Euphrates and the Tigris. Edessa, its capital, was situated about twenty miles beyond the former of those rivers, and the inhabitants, since the time of Alexander, were a mixed race of Greeks, Arabs, Syrians, and Armenians.51 The feeble sovereigns of Osrhoene, placed on the dangerous verge of two contending empires, were attached from inclination to the Parthian cause; but the superior power of Rome exacted from them a reluctant homage, which is still attested by their medals.2 After the conclusion of the Parthian war under Marcus, it was judged prudent to secure some substantial pledges of their doubtful fidelity. Forts were constructed in several parts of the country, and a Roman garrison was fixed in the strong town of Nisibis. During the troubles that followed the death of Commodus, the princes of Osrhoene attempted to shake off the yoke; but the stern policy of Severus confirmed their dependence,53 and the perfidy of Caracalla completed the easy conquest. Abgarus, the last king 54 of Edessa, was sent in chains to Rome, his dominions reduced into a province, and his capital dignified with the rank of colony; 55 and thus the Romans, about ten years before the fall of the Parthian monarchy, obtained a firm and permanent establishment beyond the Euphrates.56

51 The polished citizens of Antioch called those of Edessa mixed barbarians. It was, however, some praise, that, of the three dialects of the Syriac, the purest and most elegant (the Aramæan) was spoke at Edessa. This remark M. Bayer (Hist. Edess. p. 5) has borrowed from George of Malatia, a Syrian writer.

52 [Compare Eckhel, iii. 514.]

53 Dion, 1. lxxv. p. 1248, 1249, 1250 [1, 2, 3]. M. Bayer has neglected to use this most important passage.

54 [Basileus was the title.

For Caracalla's campaign, see Drexler, Caracallas

Zug nach dem Orient und der letzte Partherkrieg (214-217), 1880.]

55 [Caracalla promoted Carrhæ to be a Roman colony. Eckhel, iii. 508. He seems to have formed the design of annexing Armenia as a province.]

56 This kingdom, from Osrhoes, who gave a new name to the country, to the last Abgarus, had lasted 353 years. See the learned work of M. Bayer, Historia Osrhoena et Edessena. [See A. von Gutschmid, Untersuchungen über die Geschichte des Königreichs Osroene, in the Memoirs of the Academy of St. Petersburg, 35, 1 (1887). This Abgaros (Phraates), eleventh of his name, was probably grandson of Abgaros IX. who submitted to Septimius Severus and visited him in Rome (Dion, 79, 16), and became a Christian (Syncellus, i. 617, 13, ed. Bonn). Abgaros XI. seems to have been again installed as king in Osroene by Gordian III., 242-244 A.D. Perhaps the inscription C. I. L. vi. 1797 refers to him.]

claims the

of Asia,

clares war

Romans,

Prudence as well as glory might have justified a war on the Artaxerxes side of Artaxerxes, had his views been confined to the defence provinces or the acquisition of a useful frontier. But the ambitious Per- and desian openly avowed a far more extensive design of conquest; against the and he thought himself able to support his lofty pretensions by A.D. 230 the arms of reason as well as by those of power. Cyrus, he alleged, had first subdued, and his successors had for a long time possessed, the whole extent of Asia, as far as the Propontis and the Egean Sea; the provinces of Caria and Ionia, under their empire, had been governed by Persian satraps; and all Egypt, to the confines of Æthiopia, had acknowledged their sovereignty. 57 Their rights had been suspended, but not destroyed, by a long usurpation; 58 and, as soon as he received the Persian diadem, which birth and successful valour had placed upon his head, the first great duty of his station called upon him to restore the ancient limits and splendour of the monarchy. The Great King, therefore (such was the haughty style of his embassies to the Emperor Alexander), commanded the Romans instantly to depart from all the provinces of his ancestors, and, yielding to the Persians the empire of Asia, to content themselves with the undisturbed possession of Europe. This haughty mandate was delivered by four hundred of the tallest and most beautiful of the Persians; who, by their fine horses, splendid arms, and rich apparel, displayed the pride and greatness of their master.59 Such an embassy was much less an offer of negotiation than a declaration of war. Both Alexander Severus and Artaxerxes, collecting the military force of the Roman and Persian monarchies, resolved in this important contest to lead their armies in person.

Severus,

If we credit what should seem the most authentic of all Pretended victory of records, an oration, still extant, and delivered by the emperor Alexander himself to the senate, we must allow that the victory of Alex- A.D. 233 ander Severus was not inferior to any of those formerly obtained over the Persians by the son of Philip. The army of the Great King consisted of one hundred and twenty thousand horse, clothed in complete armour of steel; of seven hundred elephants,

57 Xenophon, in the preface to the Cyropædia, gives a clear and magnificent idea of the extent of the empire of Cyrus. Herodotus (1. iii. c. 79, &c.) enters into a curious and particular description of the twenty great Satrapies into which the Persian empire was divided by Darius Hystaspis.

58 [Dion, lxxx. 4, 1.]

VOL. I.-15

59 Herodian, vi. 209, 212 [2 and 4].

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