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be intermitted then, if not wholly laid aside.

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But Languet was not serviceable to his young friend merely as prudential adviser; Sydney was sensible that he had acquired from him a higher tone of morals than was to be learnt in courts, or in the feelings of chivalrous honour even when at its highest standard. We have his grateful acknowledgment of this in verse: the lines are in his Arcadia:

The song I sang old Languet had me taught, Languet, the shepherd best swift Ister knew,

For clerkly rede, and hating what is naught, For faithful heart, clean hands, and mouth as true;

With his sweet skill my skilless youth

he drew

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improved himself in those manly exercises which were then esteemed necessary accomplishments for a man of rank, and were nowhere in more estimation than at the court of Elizabeth. Though of a spare or even lean habit, he was distinguished for activity and strength, and excelled in the violent exercise of running and tennis, as well as in tilting, throwing the spear, and the use of the sword. His beautiful treatise in defence of poetry begins with a characteristic of the riding master from whom he took lessons at this time:

When the right virtuous E(dward) W(otton) and I [he says], were at the Emperor's horsemanship of John Pietro Pugliano, one court together, we gave ourselves to learn that with great commendation had the place of an esquire in his stable; and he, according to the fertileness of the Italian wit, did not only afford us the demonstration of his practice, but sought to enrich our minds with the contemplation therein, which he thought most precious. But with none, I remember, mine ears were at any time more loaden, than when (either angered with slow payment, or moved with our learner-like admiration) he exercised his speech in the praise of his faculty. He said, soldiers were the noblest estate of mankind, and horsemen the noblest of soldiers. He said they were the masters of war, and ornaments of peace; speedy goers, and strong abiders; triumphers both in camps and courts; nay, to so unbelieved a point he proceeded, as that no earthly thing bred such wonder to a prince as to be a good horseman; skill of government was but a pedanteria in comparison. Then would he add certain praises, by telling what a peerless beast the horse was, the only serviceable courtier without flattery, courage, and such more, that if I had not the beast of most beauty, faithfulness, been a piece of a logician before I came to him, I think he would have persuaded me to have wished myself a horse. But thus much, at least, with his no few words he drave into me, that self-love is better than any gilding, to make that seem gorgeous wherein ourselves be parties.

Either Sydney's plans were not fixed when he left Vienna, or he

1 Exact, or nicely fitting. The word is more frequently used adverbially by writers of a generation later than Sydney's.

feared that Languet would disapprove and endeavour to dissuade him from them. At his departure he said he should not be absent beyond the third day; but he proceeded to Venice and there resided for some time. The fears which Languet had felt for him while he was on his journey, were not much relieved by hearing that he was in Italy, in no part of which could he, he thought, be safe, if any great political movement should arise in England, rumours of which were continually preparing, because there were always conspiracies at work. He urged him to return to Germany, or at least to join the Count of Hanau and some other of his German friends at Padua, on whose prudence and goodwill he could rely; and he offered him money, knowing that a traveller's remittances were far from certain, and saying that the kindness would be on his part in accepting it, as he would thereby prove that he understood the sincerity of his friend's attachment. Sydney occasionally availed himself of this accommodation, and Languet requested him never to be anxious about repaying it. His English companions were Edward, afterward Lord Wotton, an elder brother of Sir Henry, and Daniel Rogers, who, like Languet, had been Melancthon's pupil, and was the friend and correspondent of Buchanan. Having remained some months at Padua he returned to Venice; in either of those cities Languet thought him less in danger of contamination than in other parts of Italy, for the inhabitants, he said, retained something of the simplicity of the nations from whom they were derived, whether Phrygians, Paphlagonians, or Gauls; the Genoese and Tuscans he deemed the worst of the Italians, and the Florentines among the Tuscans pre-eminently bad, as having been the authors of all those evil arts

whereby, during that and the preceding age, the Christian princes had converted mild and well constituted monarchies into despotism.

But nowhere in Italy did Languet think him safe; there was personal danger for him in many parts, moral danger everywhere. He warned him against venturing to Milan, lest he should find himself lodged in the citadel there; for the Spaniards, irritated at late losses in the Netherlands, were exclaiming against the English, the Germans, and the French, as the authors of those misfortunes, and declaring that they were all heretics, and all deserving to be burnt alive. He feared that Sydney might have books with him which might bring him into peril. But above all he dreaded the pestilent influence of Italian manners, lest creeping into his mind by little and little, it might sully its native candour and purity, even if it did not fix dark spots there. No garment could remain white amid smoke and dust, nor could men journey on under a powerful sun without bearing the marks of it on their complexion. Especially he entreated him not to go to Rome, for Sydney, though his first intention had been not to cross the Apennines, meditated such a journey at this time.

Although nothing [said he] can be dearer to me than you are, and there is no one living for whom I could fear so greatly, yet my love for you is of that kind that, if I saw you from any effeminacy of mind omitting any thing which might strengthen you in virtue, no person would reprimand you more severely. A journey to Constantinople, as to the dangers of the way, and the fatigues to be undergone, and the difficulties, is far more arduous than a journey to Rome; but if your intention were to undertake, I should not so strenuously endeavour to dissuade you, for thus your piety, your conscience, and your reputation, than which nothing should be dearer to us, would not be in danger, but which nevertheless may most easily be injured, and can hardly be healed. For were you to fall into the hands of those robbers, you must either renounce the religion which

you profess, or be in danger of your life. Entirely to escape them is impossible for you; for though you might have no cause to fear treachery from those who perhaps only pretend to be your friends, yet the dignity of your appearance would make very many be inquisitive concerning you. Should you have the slightest attack of fever, immediately your landlord, or the physician who might be called in, would give information of it to the parish priest, for so they are enjoined to do. And what mighty advantage would accrue to you if you could for a few days, and in fear, explore the ruins of Rome, merely that you might boast of having seen them? God has granted to you a power of genius, such as I know not whether the like hath been granted to anyone whom I have ever fallen with, not that you should misapply it in examining vain objects to your own danger, but that it should be employed for the benefit of your country, and of all good men. You are his

steward only, and you offend Him who conferred so much upon you if you abuse what has been committed to your charge.

Languet then bade him remember what had lately befallen a person of great prudence and experience in weighty affairs because he had relied upon finding at the court of Rome that civil humanity which used to be found even among the most barbarous nations.

Some of our friends [said Languet, in a subsequent letter] have signified to me what they have heard from you and your people, that you have no other motive for returning into Germany, than to convince me by so doing of your love towards me. My dearest Sydney, I cannot deny it, nothing is dearer to me than you are; nothing more agreeable could befall me than to see you again; but, believe me, if I thought that your return to Germany would in any respect be disadvantageous to you, I of all persons would most earnestly dissuade you from it; and by our friendship I adjure you, that on considering this matter you will allow nothing to my wishes, but to determine concerning your own affairs, as you shall think most reasonable. The pleasure which I may derive rom seeing you will not be lasting; I fear

too, that the grief which will follow upon your departure may remain too deeply fixed on me, and that thought already troubles and distresses me.

Proceeding then to state the moral reasons for which he wished him not to make a longer tarriance in Italy, he says:

I do not so much admire the wisdom of the Italians as to hold all their sayings for oracles; nor do I approve the reasoning of those persons who believe that they form to themselves an excellent rule of life, if they approach as near as possible to Italian manners. Whatever nations indeed have, within my memory, followed their counsels in administering public affairs, have thereby involved their countries in the greatest calamities. I say nothing of their wickedness. Are not those persons most commended in Italy who know how to dissemble, how to flatter, and how to insinuate themselves by any means into the favour of men in power, and so to accommodate themselves to the inclination of such men; to consider sacred

whatever the haughty resentment of him in whose service they have engaged may prescribe to them, and to contend for it as they would for their hearths and altars? Yea, so broken are their minds by long servitude contumely, if only they are not deprived of that they willingly endure indignities and their money and their infamous pleasures: and think themselves fortunate if he upon whose nod they depend condescends sometimes to bestow a look upon them without opening his lips. Nothing in my judg ment can be more pernicious to ingenuous minds than those arts which debilitate their manly virtue, and prepare them for slavery; and that slavery is the reward of such arts, the Italians themselves know by their own woful experience. Is it not more accor dant with your disposition and your birth, to cultivate piety, to keep your faith, to have your lips and your heart in unison, to defend good men against iniquitous force, and to esteem the safety of your country above life itself? Because this is more easily learned in Germany than in Italy, I have endeavoured to recall you hither, not that you may learn, but that you may cultivate and improve qualities which are implanted in you by nature.

POLITICAL ECONOMY AND EMIGRATION.
BY T. E. CLIFFE LESLIE.

THANKS to four or five great
writers in a century, a few
statesmen, and the particular in-
terests and accidents which led to
a comparatively early adoption of
free trade, England is looked up
to on the Continent as par excel-
lence the country of political econo-
my.
In few other countries never-
theless is this branch of political
philosophy less carefully or com-
monly studied, however commonly
its terms are in use; and it becomes
daily more evident that the air
ought to be cleared of clouds of
confusion enveloping those very
terms. For instead of facilitating
thought, as the terms of a science
should do, they have come to su-
persede it; they are taken to settle
several problems about which eco-
nomic inquiry is almost in its in-
fancy; and, what is yet more mis-
leading, they have caused different
and even opposite things to be con-
founded under one name-as has
been the case not only with several
economic terms commonly made
use of in discussing emigration, but
with emigration itself.

In no other branch of philosophy indeed, unless metaphysics itself, does the ancient mist of realism continue so to darken counsel by words without knowledge.' A resemblance has been seen by a philosopher in a number of different things viewed in one particular light, and a common name has been given to them with reference only to that point of resemblance; often indeed the general term introduced in this way was not originally meant to denote a complete induction, but simply to put a conspicuous part for the whole, leaving something to human intelligence; presently, however, the entire class comes to assume a perfect identity in the minds of some of the philo

sopher's most intelligent followers. In like manner, a phrase used at first to signify merely a tendency of things under particular conditions comes to stand for a universal law or principle of nature, and a generalisation, which originally threw a new light upon phenomena, finally involves them in almost impenetrable obscurity. Emigration, for example, though really a name for several different kinds of emigration, and, in particular, for two opposite kinds on which we shall have particularly to dwell, has been spoken of as a thing, the beneficial effects of which, in every case, have an à priori certainty that leaves no room for discussion. It is all supply and demand, one person will tell you; labour, whether it be English labour or Irish labour, is a commodity which finds its way to the best market. Another, arriving by a somewhat less mechanical process at the same positive conclusion, tells you that it must be beneficial, since it takes place through the operation of the private interest of all the parties concerned-the term 'private interest,' it will be observed, being in all such reasoning confounded with another deceitful abstraction, 'the desire of wealth.' A third argues that it must of necessity raise the rate of wages by distributing the 'aggregate wages fund' among a smaller number of labourers.

That the rate of wages is not determined by any single law or set of conditions, we hope to demonstrate in a subsequent article. At present it is enough to remark, in the first place, that there are no funds necessarily destined to employment as wages; and coincidently with a vast emigration there may be, as its very result or as the result of a common cause, a substitution of pasture for tillage, and

a withdrawal of capital from farming, with a diminished demand for labour in consequence. Moreover, the aggregate amount of the funds expendible as wages does not, given the number of labourers, determine the rate of wages at all. If a single employer, or a few who could combine, had the entire amount, all the labour in the country which could not emigrate, might be hired for its bare subsistence, whatever the rate in the power of the employer to give. Again, if the whole amount were, as it really is, very unequally shared among employers, the price of labour might be immeasureably lower than if it were equally shared; just as at an auction, the prices paid for things will probably be immensely higher if the purchasers have equal means, than if most of the money is in the hands of a few. If two bidders, for example, have each 50l., one of them may have to spend his whole fifty to get half what he wants; but if one of them has but 51. and the other has 951., the latter may get all he wants for 51. 58.

There may be a convenience in having a collective term for all the sources of wages, all the funds, whether capital income or the revenue of the State, expendible upon labour; but the misfortune is that the collective term employed for this purpose has created an imaginary collective fund destined to the

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payment of labour; and the payment
is inferred to be higher or lower in
proportion to the number of la-
bourers. In like manner the phrase
'private interest,' though really a
collective term for a number of
individual interests, by no means all
for the public interest, has assumed,
in the minds of a number of econo-
mists, the form of a single beneficent
principle, animating and regulating
the whole economic world. The
desire for wealth,' in the same way
(which is by no means, as already
observed, the same thing with pri-
vate interest, for wealth is not the
predominant interest of the most
powerful classes 1), is really a name
for a multiplicity of wants, passions,
and ideas, widely differing from
each other, both in their nature and
in their effects on production—as
the accumulation of land differs
from the hunger for bread-yet it
stands for one identical and indus-
trious principle with many con-
siderable speakers and writers.
And in virtue of these terms, and
a few others of like generality, a
school of economists of no small
pretensions, strongly represented
in Parliament, supposes itself to be
furnished with a complete appa-
ratus of formulas, within which
all economic knowledge is com-
prised;-which clearly and satisfac-
torily expounds all the phenomena
of wealth, and renders all further
investigation of the causes and

There is a firm oasis in the desert upon which we may safely rest, and that is afforded us by the principles of political economy. I entertain a prejudice adopted by Adam Smith, that a man is at liberty to do what he likes with his own, and that, having land, it is not unreasonable that he should be free to let his land to a person upon the terms upon which they shall mutually agree. That I believe to be good political economy. [Speech of Mr. Lowe in the House of Commons, March 14.]

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Now what has Adam Smith really said? It seldom happens that a great proprietor is a great improver. But if great improvements are seldom to be expected from great proprietors, they are least of all to be expected when they employ slaves for their workmen. The experience of all ages demonstrates that the work done by slaves is in the end the dearest of any.' The pride of man,' nevertheless, he continues, makes him love to domineer. Wherever the law allows it therefore, he will generally prefer the service of slaves to that of freemen.'-Wealth of Nations, book 3, chap. ii. And in the only sentence in which Adam Smith speaks of allowing the landlord to pursue his own interest in his own way, he insists upon the State giving to the tenants 'the most perfect security that they shall enjoy the full recompense of their own industry.' Adam Smith, moreover, has pronounced, without reserve, against the system of proprietorship and management of land created by primogeniture and entails.

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