and ten horses. She was allowed to maintain the state of a queen, and to enjoy the sports and exercises of the field. A very different degree of restraint to that in which her own subjects held her at Loch-leven. There is reason to believe that all parties were inclined to let the whole affair rest as it was for a time; this also best suited the interests of England; thereby Elizabeth avoided being obliged to act with or against either party. The state papers and private correspondence of the queen and her ministers, are now so fully disclosed, that there is no ground for charging Elizabeth with unjust proceedings, or acting from trumpery motives of feminine displeasure. She told the French ambassador, that she could so justify her conduct towards Mary, that foreign princes would know she had no cause to blush; but that the same could not be said of the queen of Scots. It was necessary to prevent France from again obtaining control over Scotland, and to keep Mary from being made the tool of foreign powers or English Papists. None who have fairly and fully examined existing documents will say, that Mary deserved more aid or kinder treatment than Elizabeth expressed herself willing, at this time, to allow her. From the course then pursued by the English queen, followed important results; the Reformation was not crushed, and the two kingdoms became united, and have since continued independent of all other powers.

Norfolk went forward in his plan for marrying Mary Stuart, while deeper and still more injurious proceedings were plotted by the Popish powers. The French ambassador was instructed to promote Norfolk's marriage. Some of Elizabeth's counsellors encouraged this project, and were secretly in the interest of the French king; endeavouring to keep her from sending aid to the Huguenots, they counteracted Cecil, and prevailed so far, that the Protestant cause in France was irreparably injured. The Popish historian of this period states, that a great part of the English nobility were ready to aid the plans of the pope.

When Norfolk was summoned to attend the court, he retired further from London, sending an excuse that he was not able to travel for some days. But the queen peremptorily required his attendance. Upon his arrival, the duke was committed to the Tower, which decisive step, though only intended as a measure of precaution for a time, put a stop to the proceedings of the conspirators ; the earl of Arundel, lord Lumley, and lord Pembroke, with the bishop of Ross, were all interrogated, but answered with such craft and skill, that they baffled the suspicions entertained respecting their project.

Still it was evident that evil designs were in agitation in the northern counties, where Popery was most influential. The state of Lancashire in 156.7 is thus noticed-Mass was commonly said, the common prayer discarded, many churches were shut up, those still open were mostly served by men known to be Papists in their hearts, Disaffection to Elizabeth, and adherence to Mary's claims, of course prevailed in those districts. In November, 1569, the earls of Westmoreland and Northumberlana were sent for; they had gone far in their preparations, even making arrangements with the duke of Alva for the aid of a Spanish force; Vitelli, a Spanish general, was actually in London, ready to head the troops if any should be landed. But the queen's summons alarmed the earls; they took arms, and advanced to Durham, where they tore the English Bible to pieces, overthrew the communion table, and called upon all to join them in restoring the Romish religion. They proceeded to York, and openly declared that Norfolk, Arundel, and others of the ancient nobility, were confederate with them. The duke denied this, admitting only his desire to marry Mary Stuart.

with a Spanish prince. This was con- | trary to the policy of France, and these differences caused delays fatal to the design. By the end of December, the forces of the earls had dispersed; the leaders fled into Scotland, where Northumberland was taken by the regent Murray, who refused to deliver him up, till he had consulted the other nobles. A few days afterwards, Murray was shot when entering Linlithgow, by an assassin who had been deeply injured by a follower of the regent, but whose escape was aided by the duke of Hamilton, to whom he fled for shelter on horses supplied by the duke's son. The conduct of the Hamiltons, and other partizans of Mary Stuart, showed that they were fully aware of the time the attempt to assassinate would be made, and were prepared to take advantage of the confusion which would follow its success: the murder was not the act of an individual; Mary's chief partizans knew and abetted the whole proceeding. The Papists evidently thought that the Reformation in Scotland would be shaken by this murder; but their expectations were disappointed.

The duke of Alva meanwhile was preparing for active measures. His treacherous agents were in London, without being detected; but the duke of Norfolk and other nobles being kept in custody, the measures of the conspirators were broken, the attempt was made prematurely, and failed. Yet the pope did not relax his efforts: he sent a large sum of money to be distributed in England, which encouraged his partizans. Mary declared that the pope's bull prevented them from obeying Elizabeth, while others sent by Ridolfi to the pope, declared their readiness to assist in restoring the Popish religion, and that they would help to place Mary on the throne upon her marrying the duke of Norfolk. As Englishmen they desired that their kingdom might not be subjected to a foreign power by her marriage with a Popish prince. They applied for the assistance of the Spanish force, which the pope urged Philip to afford; but a difference between the Spanish commanders delayed the effort, and, at this critical juncture, the English government was more fully informed of these designs. It is evident, from the statements of Popish writers, that Elizabeth had for some time unconsciously been in a state of great danger. A few hours

might have brought a Spanish force from Flanders to the Thames, sufficient to afford a rallying point to those engaged in the conspiracy, which, at this period, included many about the court; men attached to the Romish faith, whom Elizabeth had attempted to conciliate, but all such efforts were, and ever must be, in vain. The principles of Popery wholly prevent the cordial exercise of any feelings of a friendly nature from bigoted Papists towards those whom their church designates as heretics.

The chief hinderance to the designs of the conspirators was the steady course pursued by Cecil. This was felt so strongly, that the first efforts of Ridolfi, and those whom he gained to his views, were to displace that minister. The correspondence of the French ambassador contains particulars of three or four efforts made, about this time, to procure his dismissal. Ridolfi, and the nobles of the Papal party, considered it was absolutely necessary as a preliminary step "to withdraw out of the hands of the secretary Cecil, and those of his party, the direction of the state-that they might manage the business of the Catholic religion with safety." They succeeded in getting Leicester and others to concur with them in this preliminary design. Leicester, relying on his influence with Elizabeth, openly attacked Cecil's administration, in a conference with the queen; but she at once silenced him by those decisive expressions she used when provoked. Leicester then saw that the attempt was vain, and with his usual fickleness, took an early opportunity to disclose the intrigue to the queen. So decidedly was Elizabeth satisfied respecting the integrity of Cecil, and his value as prime minister, that all the machinations against him were stopped by her interposition, without any open interference on his own part. We are here reminded of the plots against Cranmer, defeated by Henry VIII.

The lapse of time has made manifest a circumstance which powerfully aided these Popish machinations. This was an earnest desire, on the part of the leading nobility, to regain that power of which the house of Tudor had despoiled the aristocracy. This explains some proceedings which cannot otherwise be accounted for; it also shows how it was that some parties acted so as to counteract each other, being influenced by different motives; and why Leicester and others,

high in favour with the queen, at times assisted her foreign enemies, especially in their plots against Cecil. From what was stated at the trial of the duke of Norfolk, two years later, it appears that the plan for his marriage with Mary was first suggested by the earl of Leicester, Elizabeth's favourite, and that it was urged and encouraged by many of the nobility. Such a marriage, by uniting the first of the nobles, with her who was heir to the crown, in the opinion of most Protestants, and best entitled to the present possession of the throne, in the opinion of all Papists, would enable them to limit the power of Elizabeth, or even to dethrone her. It is clear that ambition was the sole cause of Norfolk's proceedings. He had no personal regard for Mary, whom he had never seen, and he had not hesitated to express his conviction of her guilt. He also was one of those facile characters easily acted upon by others when plausible reasons are alleged. It is obvious that the English nobles and the papal powers, though combining against Elizabeth, were not thoroughly united. Mary, however, was the great means of promoting the schemes of both parties, and thus this unhappy queen, herself deeply faulty, was still more mischievous as an instrument for the schemes of others, which though differing in design, and as to the extent of their guilt, all aimed at the power, if not the life of Elizabeth, and at the destruction of civil and religious liberty. Elizabeth_openly told the French ambassador, "I have tried to be a mother to the queen of Scots, and in return she has formed conspiracies against me even in my own kingdom; she who ill-uses a mother, deserves a step-dame." Norfolk was the victim of his own vanity; the prospect of a crown induced him to forget the claims of loyalty and religion. Although a privy counsellor of Elizabeth, he entered into secret communication with the deadly enemies of his queen and kingdom: we cannot then regard him as an injured sufferer.

These designs were the plans of men, who cared not for religious truth, or were openly banded against it; but He that sitteth on high had their devices in derision. God was pleased to protect the life and to support the power of Elizabeth, as a shelter for his people, and a means for promoting his glory. In such cases, the enemies themselves some

times are made instrumental in defeating their own designs. Turner has shown that there can be little doubt that the first intimation to Elizabeth of her danger from the conspiracy in favour of Mary, proceeded from Catherine de Medicis, the bigoted queen-mother of France; who partly by the advice of the cardinal of Lorraine, and partly from personal dislike to Mary Stuart, caused secret information of the papal conspiracy to be given to sir Henry Norris shortly after Mary had taken refuge in England, with an intimation that Elizabeth then "held the wolf that would devour her." At that period, Cecil was unable fully to unravel the conspiracy, but it put him on his guard, and the measures taken in ignorance, were made effectual to arrest the designs when nearly completed, till by degrees, they were more fully developed. Various circumstances, connected with the northern insurrection, show that many of the aristocratical part of her subjects were unfriendly to Elizabeth. The two most powerful northern nobles took arms in open rebellion; that part of the country was most under the influence of the remains of feudal feelings as well as of Popery, and there the disaffection was so great that her commanders could do nothing against the rebels, till joined by forces from the south, then the chief seat of trade and commerce, where the nobles had far less influence. To such an extent had disaffection prevailed in the north, that the bishop of Durham transmitted to Cecil the declaration of the sheriff, that the number of offenders was so great, that few innocent remained to try the guilty. When the rebellion was put down, many suffered by martial law; but Elizabeth found it was most prudent, as well as most agreeable to her own feelings, to pardon the greater part of the guilty.

The result of this insurrection confirmed the view she had early taken, that the stability of her throne depended upon the affections of her people at large. To them Elizabeth had appealed at the first, and she now renewed this appeal in a public declaration or proclamation. She declared that it had been her desire and practice to rule with clemency, and any unprejudiced reader of history must admit that her government was distinguished for clemency when compared with the other governments of that day. She appealed to the people whether they

It was now evident to Elizabeth and her counsellors, that a succession of plots was to be looked for, involving different interests. Cecil, in August 1570, wrote that he felt himself as in a maze. No dependence could be placed on many of the nobility; but the removal of Pembroke and Throckmorton by death, about this time, relieved the secretary from some anxiety. The northern counties became more tranquil, but the participation of Pembroke in the papal conspiracy became known after his death. Many of the rebels were supported by the Hamiltons and other partizans of Mary on the borders, upon which the earl of Sussex was sent, in April 1570, to ravage their estates. This measure is much to be deplored, as the sufferings fell chiefly upon the peasantry: how often has it been realized that when rulers contend, the people suffer!

Early in 1571, Cecil was created lord Burghley. From this time, he was at the head of Elizabeth's government, of which he had previously been the most efficient and active member. This appointment was a great means of the queen's safety and that of England. Burghley was now freed from the interference of Pembroke, and placed so manifestly above others in the favour of the queen, that he could apply full power to detect and counteract the designs against Elizabeth. During the year 1571, negotiations were carried on between England and France relative to the marriage of Elizabeth with the duke of Anjou. It is not probable that either party was sincere in wishing to carry this union into effect. But the French court thereby kept the Huguenot party quiet as to the designs against the reformed religion in France; while Elizabeth for a time stayed the importunities of her subjects who were anxious for her marriage. The project of an alliance between her and a French prince, also would counteract many proceedings in behalf of Mary, and prevent the court of France from rendering her any aid.

more severe.

INSTRUCTIVE FACT.

IN "The Life and Character of the Rev. Dr. M'All," prefixed to his discourses, lately published, there is the following instructive fact, communicated by the Rev. S. Thodey of Cambridge.

"One circumstance he related to me, connected with his own ministrations among the sick, which awakened considerable interest in the neighbourhood. A pious person, residing at some distance from Macclesfield, had suffered for many years under the influence of religious despondency, partially resembling the melancholy case of Cowper. As he was held in much esteem, his mental sufferings created much sympathy. Many Christian friends, and eminent ministers, of different religious persuasions, visited him, endeavouring to kindle anew the spark of life in his bosom, and restore to his mind those religious consolations which he formerly possessed. These efforts proved wholly in vain, as he possessed, like many others in similar circumstances, that kind of preternatural acuteness which led him to convert all the arguments and topics of consolation into the occasion of deeper discouragement and gloom. It was natural for me to inquire-Did you go?' Yes,' he said,

I did, though without any hope of a beneficial result; but I went to express my sympathy with a disciple of Christ under one of the severest afflictions which could befall a good man, and to deepen my own impressions of the importance of spiritual things. You may suppose,' he added, "I was not very forward to speak; but I listened, with