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and is never weary. If then you are able" to make melody in your heart to the Lord," let your hand and your voice make melody too; and let the faculty which infinite benevolence has created for your enjoyment, be converted, as all your other faculties should be, into the instrument of praise.-M. J. Graham.

BATTLE ABBEY.

WHO can pass the grey towers of Battle Abbey, so thickly clad with ivy, and stained by time, and not read a tale of interest and instruction from its mouldering walls? How faithful a picture of the past does it bring to the mind's eye! How glowing a sense of thankfulness should it excite in the enlightened Christian's heart, that his country is no longer under the yoke of ignorance and crafty superstition! To the man of taste, the ruins of each elegant arch and pillar, roof and window, with their elaborate tracery, must ever be an object of admiration; but the thrill of delight will be checked by a view of the dark subterraneous passages to the cruel dungeons below.

Oh bright light of the gospel! glad tidings of great joy to the repenting sinner! how little do the gloomy prisons of Battle Abbey agree with the spirit of thy heart-cheering principles

and active virtues!

The town of Battle (formerly called Epiton) is situated in the county of Sussex, on the road to Hastings; it is celebrated as the place, at which the battle of Hastings was fought between Harold and William duke of Normandy. The Norman army, after waiting long at St. Valery for favourable winds, had a quick passage, and landed at Pevensey, the latter end of September, 1066. The spot in the distance is pointed out to the traveller from the grounds of Battle Abbey. Rapin tells us, that the English spent the night, previous to the engagement, in carousing and singing, as if they were sure of the victory; while the Normans, on the contrary, were employed in preparing for the action, and offering up prayers to God for success. The long and bloody battle took place on the 14th of October, A.D. 1066. It cost the duke of Normandy six thousand men; and he had three horses killed under him without losing one drop of his blood. While three score thousand Englishmen

are said to have fallen, and Harold was killed by an arrow shot into his brain.

"The victory of Hastings was too glorious," says Rapin, "for the king

to neglect to transmit the memory of it to posterity. For that purpose, he laid the foundations of a church and abbey in the very place where Harold was slain; and ordered, when they should be finished, the church to be dedicated to St. Martin, and the monastery to be called Battle Abbey:" (a note adds, "The high altar was set upon the very spot of ground where Harold's body was found.") Though the desire of prayer for his own and Harold's soul was the pretence he used to make for the foundation, probably vain glory had no less a share in it than devotion."

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Sunk low in the earth, among weeds and rank grass, may now be seen the ruins of the high altar: the spot on which more than eight hundred years back the fate of England was decided. The works of man hold out against time, while his generations pass away. The broken shell which held the holy water is empty. The stone coffins around have yielded up their dust, and show only the vacancy where a dead body once reposed. The perpetual prayers for the slain are no longer heard. The pilgrim has ceased to make his toilsome journey to the "taper-lit shrine." The sufferer no longer pines in the prisons; and the criminal no longer flees from justice to the walls of Battle for protection, claiming the right of sanctuary. Since those dark ages of ignorance and gloomy superstition, the day-spring from on high has arisen upon us. The blood and ashes of martyrs have stemmed the torrent of priestcraft and imposition which overran our land. The Bible has been placed in the hands of our poorest countrymen, and they have been taught to read it; and while it has shown the folly and falsity of these refuges of lies, it has pointed out the way of life, and led thousands to the true city of refuge to "the blood of Jesus Christ, his Son, which cleanseth us from all sin." M.

HIRED EASTERN MOURNERS.

THESE were as common as empty mourning coaches among us, and were probably as effectual symbols of grief as scarfs and weepers. Horace tells us, that the hired mourners wailed more at

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burials than the bereaved relations. Loud lamentation was encouraged by the ancients, and is kept up by the Orientals. They use not only the voice, but various instruments. When good Josiah was no more, "Jeremiah lamented for Josiah ; and all the singing men and the singing women spake of Josiah in their lamentations," 2 Chron. xxxv. 25. But this prophet is more express, when, in his foresight of the destruction of Judah, he summoned the mourners, and cried, "Call for the mourning women, that they may come; and send for cunning women, that they may come: and let them make haste, and take up a wailing for us, that our eyes may run down with tears, and our eyelids gush out with waters for a voice of wailing is heard out of Zion !" When the daughter of Jairus lay dead, our Lord Jesus saw the minstrels and the people making a noise:" and he speaks of what was common in all times of mourning, when he says to the Jews, "We have mourned unto you, and ye have not lamented," 2 Chron. xxxv. 25; Jer. ix. 17; Matt. ix. 23, xi. 17.

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are,

Mohammedanism has only modified, not removed these customs. The Moslems begin to mourn before the breath is out of the body, while "the women of the family raise the cries of lamentation called wel'wel'eh or wilwal'; uttering the most piercing shrieks, and calling upon the name of the deceased. The most common cries that are heard on the death of the master of a family, from the lips of his wife, or wives and children, 3. Ο my master!" "O my camel!" "Omy lion!" "O camel of the house!", "O my dear one!" "O my only one!" "O my father!” "O my misfortune!" The women continue their lamentations; and many of the females of the neighbourhood, hearing the conclamation, come to unite with them in this melancholy task. Generally, also, the family send for two or more neddábehs, or public wailing women; but some persons disapprove of the custom; and many, to avoid unnecessary expense, do not conform to it. "They use a sort of tambourine in their mourning. If the corpse is not buried at once, they keep up their wake all night. At the head of the funeral procession walk about six poor men, mostly blind, who chant passages from the Koran. Schoolboys precede the bier, also chanting. The hired mourners follow it, next to the relations,

and celebrate the excellences of the deceased. It is remarkable that this very practice is forbidden in the Koran; but Mussulmen, as well as Christians, have their liberal interpretation of precepts."

DOCILITY OF CAMELS.

STRINGS of camels are continually five, and headed by a man upon an ass, passing, each comprising about fortywho leads the first, the others being mostly connected by slight cords. It is a beautiful sight to see the perfect training and docility of these animals. The caravans, as the weather is becoming night, generally halting about ten or warmer, are beginning to travel by eleven o'clock in the morning. The care of the camels seems to be very much left to the children. I have just watched a string of them stopping on an open plain: a child twitched the cord suspended from the head of the first; a loud gurgling growl indicated the pleasure of the camel as it awkwardly knelt down, and the child, who could just reach its back, unlinked the hooks which suspended from either side the bales of cotton; another child came with a bowl of water and a sponge, and was welcomed with a louder roar of pleasure,

as it washed the mouth and nostrils of the animal. This grateful office ended, the liberated camel wandered off to the thicket, to browse during the day; and this was done to each of the forty-five, which all unbidden had knelt down precisely as the one I have described, forming a circle which continued marked during the day by the bales of goods lying at regular distances. On a given o'clock, every camel resumed its own signal in the afternoon, at about three place, and knelt between its bales, which were again attached, and the caravan proceeded on its tardy course. I am not surprised at finding the strong attachment of these animals to the children; for I have often seen three or four of

them, when young, lying with their heads inside a tent in the midst of the sleeping children, while their long bodies

remained outside.-Fellows.

VANITY.

VANITY is a 66 nothing between two dishes"-much expectation, little satisfaction.-Herbert.

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ENGLISH HISTORY.

ELIZABETH.

(Concluded from page 304.)

Death of Queen Elizabeth.

THE bad policy pursued by England, in reference to Ireland, enabled the Spanish government, and the popish party, to keep up disaffection there. The restless spirit of Popery found that island a suitable field for the employment of the Jesuits, who encouraged the Irish chieftains to resist the English government. It may be said of Popery, that it found Ireland wretched, and has made it still more so it has even prevented the advance of civilization. These feelings were embittered by the sweeping forfeitures of the lands belonging to Desmond, and other rebellious chieftains; large districts of which were bestowed upon the queen's favourites, and on others who merely engaged that one English family should be settled on every two hundred and forty acres, and that none of Irish origin should be admitted among the settlers. Thus the natives were driven into more compact bodies; not half the scanty number of English colonists was introduced, while that broad line of demarcation was drawn between the original inhabitants, and the great land owners, which has produced so much mischief in later times. Even at that period, this wrong policy produced such vexation and expense, that many statesmen thought Ireland had better be abandoned, only that the king of Spain would SEPTEMBER, 1840.

then possess it. A native chieftain, Hugh O'Neal, created by Elizabeth earl of Tyrone, revolted, and became the leader of his countrymen, who regarded him as the sovereign of Ulster. Instigated and aided by Spain, he successfully resisted the efforts of the English go

vernors.

In August, 1598, O'Neal obtained a signal advantage, near Blackwater, in Tyrone, when the queen resolved to make more vigorous efforts. Essex having expressed his willingness to undertake the command, both his friends and his enemies recommended the appointment; the latter hoping to take advantage of his absence from court. He was persuaded to make some apologies for past conduct, and went to Ireland early in 1599, with considerable forces, and extraordinary powers, but effected little, wasting his strength in limited operations, till he found his forces reduced so as to be unequal to a campaign against Tyrone, without reinforcements. These were sent, but the season was so far advanced, that he consented to a truce with the rebel leader, till the following spring.

Finding that the queen was seriously displeased, while his enemies were busy against him, Essex hastened to England, and arrived at Nonsuch on September 28, when he hastened into the queen's apartment, just as he was, his dress soiled and disordered with travelling post. queen received him more favourably

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than he expected; but in the latter part | of the day, she sent him orders to confine himself to the rooms which he occupied, and expressed her anger to those who had accompanied him: she now habitually indulged in coarse and even profane language, when excited, and highly displeased. A little reflection showed that Essex was much to blame in thus hastily leaving his post of duty. Harrington gives a lively description of his own reception. The privy council were directed to examine Essex; they severely censured his proceedings in the conduct of the war, and in quitting Ireland without leave. He was afterwards subjected to a fuller inquiry before commissioners; he was then removed from his offices, and ordered to remain a prisoner in his own house, till the queen should be pleased to allow him to be at liberty.

Essex remained six months under this restraint, during which period he expressed himself with humility and contrition, declaring that he had done with ambitious projects and all the vanities of this life. At times he seemed to be under deep religious feelings. But when he was allowed to leave his house, the queen forbade his appearing at court, and refused to continue a patent for the monopoly of sweet wines, by which he made considerable profit. Irritated at these proceedings, he concerted with some friends, to go to court at the head of an armed party, when his enemies might be removed by force, and access to the queen gained; the public support was to be obtained by promising the reformation of evils in church and state. He communicated his plans to the king of Scotland, charging Cecil with an intention of bringing in the Spanish princess, as the successor to the throne. James had for some time acted with much duplicity, negociating both with Elizabeth, and the popish monarchs of the continent, to whom he professed himself inclined to adopt Popery. He now prepared to assist Essex, whose house in the Strand was the resort of a number of discontented characters, which was covered by the daily performance of Divine service there; but the attention of government being roused, open ineasures were hastily resolved upon.

On the morning of Sunday, February 8, 1601, the earls of Rutland and Southampton, with other friends of Essex, resorted to his house, in consequence of messages telling them that his life was

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threatened by lord Cobham and Raleigh. The lord-keeper Egerton, chief justice Popham, and others, proceeded thither from court, being sent by the queen to inquire the cause of the proceedings going forward. After some altercation, Essex left these nobles in charge of a part of his followers, and hastened into the city, with about two hundred men, calling upon the citizens to arm themselves.. The principal citizens being usually assembled at that hour, to hear the sermon at Paul's Cross, Essex hoped to have found them ready and willing to join him; but a message, early in the morning, from the queen to the lord mayor, had put that officer on his guard. Essex was generally beloved; but the people neither understood the matter, nor followed him. His plan having failed, he was intercepted at Ludgate on his return, by a party of soldiers. A skirmish took place; Essex retreated by water to his own house, when he found that the noblemen, whom he had detained, had been released. After a parley with a number of armed men, who invested the house, Essex surrendered, and was conducted to the Tower with the earl of Southampton. The queen evinced much courage and composure during this short but dangerous disturbance. Being told, while she sat at dinner, that the city had revolted, she appeared unmoved, only observing, "He that placed her in that seat would preserve her in it." The earls of Essex and Southamp ton were tried for treason on the 19th, and found guilty. It is plain that it was a rash, ill-concerted design, undertaken in the hope of removing the principal advisers of Elizabeth, whom Essex considered to be his personal enemies, and resolved to effect his ruin; but he also thought to establish his own power, and to carry into effect measures of his own. The statement of Bacon, who had to take part as one of the queen's counsel at this trial, and who conducted himself with moderation towards the prisoners, appears to convey a correct view of the case: "to defend is lawful; but to rebel in defence is not lawful;" and that "Essex had planted a pretence, in his heart, against the government, but for excuse he laid the blame upon his particular enemies." Essex afterwards confessed that his plans were deeper laid. and further extended than he had admitted on his trial. The popularity of Essex caused some hesitation, as 10

carrying the sentence into effect: the queen also was unwilling to order the death of one who had been her favourite, but his daring proceedings rendered it unsafe to allow him to survive. On the 25th he was beheaded in the court of the Tower. Southampton's life was spared, but he was kept a prisoner to the end of this reign. Only a few of the most active followers of Essex were executed.

The king of Scotland sent a special embassy to London, with instructions to communicate with the partizans of Essex, if they retained any influence, which was not the case. Cecil possessed the chief power; he knew that Elizabeth could not long survive; this led to overtures, the details of which are not known; but it was agreed that Cecil should procure an addition to the yearly pension king James received from England, and promote his succession to the throne, but that the arrangement should be kept

secret.

Lord Mountjoy was sent to Ireland, as governor; he was successful against Tyrone, who had been encouraged by a plenary indulgence for his sins, sent by pope Clement VIII., and by the promise of efficient aid from Spain. In September, 1601, d'Aguilar landed at Kinsale with four thousand Spanish troops, and called upon the people to join him against Elizabeth, who had been declared to be deposed by several popes. Their efforts were in vain. Tyrone was defeated, and in January, 1602, the Spanish general surrendered upon condition of being allowed to return to Spain. Mountjoy pursued his success: Tyrone offered to submit upon terms, but the queen would not consent that any should be granted. Her counsellors were anxious that Ireland should be brought into a state of peace during her life. With much difficulty the firm resolve of Elizabeth was shaken; but before any final instructions were sent, the intelligence of the approach of her decease was made known to Mountjoy. He acted with decision. Tyrone, in a conference, agreed to renounce his regal title and foreign alliances, upon the promise of a full pardon for himself and adherents, and the restoration of his lands and earldom. Hardly had this been effected, when the death of Elizabeth took place, but the Irish chieftain had gone too far to recede; the arrangement was completed, though with considerable reluctance on his part.

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Towards the close of 1601, the parliament granted a large subsidy for the Irish war, but also firmly demanded redress of grievances in the monopolies ; by these, the vending of articles, some even of necessity, were restricted by the queen's patent to certain individuals, who either retailed the articles at an unreasonable profit, or sold the privilege of dealing in them for considerable sums, which in the end were levied from the purchasers, so that the prices of many commodities had been very greatly advanced. The queen, or her advisers, endeavoured to check these remonstrances; but the public feeling, as well as that of the parliament, was so unequivocally declared, that Cecil convinced her it was necessary to give way. Elizabeth sent for the speaker, and declared that she never had consented to give a patent, unless she believed it would be beneficial to the public; but she would at once revoke all that were injurious to her subjects, and suspend the rest till their validity could be legally ascertained. This proceeding gave general satisfaction.

In September, 1602, we find Elizabeth endeavouring to act with the vigour of her early life; at the age of sixtyseven she went a progress as usual. She rode out to view rather than to join the sports of the field; but actually took part in the dances she delighted to witness. Who should be her successor, was now the general inquiry; but no one dared to start the question, though many corresponded secretly with the Scottish monarch.

The unlimited height to which the Tudors had carried the royal prerogative appears, when the decision of such a question could be supposed to depend upon the will of the reigning monarch. One chief opponent of James was the Jesuit Parsons, who had the insolence to ex press his indifference as to the successor,

so that he be a Catholic;" adding, that nothing should induce him to favour the_pretensions of any one who was not a Papist: an unblushing instance of the manner in which the pope and his votaries assume power over thrones and kingdoms. The pontiff sent breves addressed to the English Papists, exhort ing them to refuse to aid any claimant who would not engage to support Popery. The moderate party, designated as the English Papists, were not willing to entertain such extravagant views; they

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