out of thine eye." We have had such a clear discernment of these motes! And all the while none of us has been aware of the beam in his own eye. And how can any of us become aware of it; how can we escape the charge of hypocrisy which our consciences own to be so well deserved? Only if there is a King and Judge over us who detects the beam; who makes us feel that it is there; who himself undertakes to cast it out. To that point we must always return. We may boast of this morality as something to glorify saints. We may call it "delicious,” as a modern French critic calls it. Only when it actually confronts us, as the word of a King who is speaking to us and convicting us of our departures from it-only then shall we discover that it is for sinners, not saints; that it is terrible, not delicious. But only then shall we know what the blessedness is of being claimed as children of this kingdom; only then shall we begin to apprehend the glory of which we are inheritors. For we then shall understand that there is a selfish evil nature in every man, let him call himself churchman or man of the world, believer or unbeliever, which cannot bring forth good fruit- which is utterly damnable; and that there is a Divine root of humanity, a Son of Man, whence all the good in churchman or man of the world, in believer or unbeliever, springs-whence nothing but good can spring. If we exalt ourselves upon our privileges as Christians or saints, the King will say to us, "Why call ye me Lord, and do not the things which I say? If we submit to his Spirit we may bring forth now the fruits of good works which are to his glory; we may look for the day when every law of his kingdom shall be fulfilled, when all shall know him from the least to the greatest. And churches, in the sense of their own nothingness, may seek after the foundation which God has laid, and which will endure the shock of all winds and waves. And churches which rest upon their own decrees and traditions and holiness will be like the man "who without a foundation built an house upon the earth, against which the stream did beat vehemently, and immediately it fell; and the ruin of that house was great.

JOSEPH MAZZINI

(1805-1872)

BY FRANK SEWALL

MONG the liberators of modern Italy, ranking in influence with Victor Emmanuel, Cavour, and Garibaldi, Joseph Mazzini was unique in his combination of deep religious motive, philosophic insight, and revolutionary zeal. His early studies of Dante inspired in him two ideals: a restored Italian unity, and the subordination of political government to spiritual law, exercised in the conscience of a free people. Imprisoned in early life for participation in the conspiracy of the Carbonari, he left Italy in his twenty-sixth year, to spend almost the entire remainder of his life in exile. While living as a refugee in Marseilles and in Switzerland, from 1831 to 1836, he fostered the revolutionary association of young Italian enthusiasts, and edited their journal, the Giovine Italia, its purpose being to bring about a national revolution through the insurrection of the Sardinian States. In Switzerland he organized in the same spirit the "Young Switzerland" and the "Young Europe," fostering the idea of universal political reform, and the bringing in of a new era of the world, in which free popular government should displace the old systems both of legitimate monarchy and despotic individualism. Banished from under a decree of the French government, in 1836 Mazzini found refuge in London; and for the remainder of his life the English press was the chief organ of his world-wide influence as a reformer, while his literary ability won him a place among the most brilliant of the modern British essayists. Only for brief intervals did Mazzini appear again in Italy; notably in the period of 1848 and 1849, when, on the insurrection of Sicily and Venetian Lombardy and the flight of Pio Nono from Rome, like a Rienzi of the nineteenth century he issued from that "city of the soul" the declaration of the Roman Republic, and was elected one of the triumvirs. He led in a heroic resistance

JOSEPH MAZZINI

Switzerland

to the besieging French army until compelled to yield; and he was content to have brought forth from the conflict the unstained banner, "God and the People," to be the standard for all future struggles for the union of free Italy under the rightful leadership of Rome. In 1857 he again took part in person in the insurrections in Genoa and in Sicily, and was laid under sentence of death, a judgment which was removed in 1865. In 1870, on his attempting to join Garibaldi in Sicily, he was arrested at sea and imprisoned at Gaëta, to be released in two months, as the danger of a general insurrection disappeared. During all this time he had been carrying on, mainly from England, his propaganda through the press; publishing in 1852, in the Westminster Review, the essay 'Europe, its Conditions and Prospects,' completing in 1858 The Duties of Man,' and addressing open letters to Pio Nono, to Louis Napoleon, and to Victor Emmanuel. In 1871 he contributed to the Contemporary Review an essay on 'The FrancoGerman War and the Commune.' The last production of his pen was his essay on Renan's 'Reforme Morale et Intellectuelle,' finished in March 1872, and published in the Fortnightly Review in 1874.

It was shortly after the completion of this essay at Pisa, whither he had gone in the hope of regaining his health, that he was seized with the illness that closed his earthly life on March 10th, 1872. Honors were decreed him by the Italian Parliament, his funeral was attended by an immense concourse of people, and his remains were laid away in a costly monument in the Campo Santo of Genoa.

If Mazzini is entitled to be called the prophet of a new political age, it is because he sought for a new spiritual basis for political reform. What is remarkable is, that his bold and ingenuous insistence on the religious motive as fundamental in the government that is to be, did not diminish his influence with his contemporaries of whatever shades of opinion. Even so radical a writer as the Russian anarchist Bakunin, in an essay on the 'Political Theology' of Mazzini, speaks of him as one of the noblest and purest individualities of our age.

The two fundamental principles for which Mazzini stood were collective humanity as opposed to individualism, and duty as opposed to rights. His position was, that the revolutionary achievements of the past had at most overcome the tyranny of monarchy in asserting the principle of the rights of the individual. But this is not in itself a unifying motive. The extreme assertion of this leads to disunion and weakness, and makes way only for another and more hopeless despotism. The rights of the individual must now be sacrificed to the collective good, and the motive of selfish aggrandizement must yield to the sacred law of duty under the Divine government. It is this undeviating regard for the supreme principle of duty to the collective

man, under the authority of the Divine law, that alone can make the perpetuation of the republic possible.

Mazzini's devotion to this principle accounts for his apparent lukewarmness in many of the boldest and most conspicuous movements in the progress of Italian liberation and unity. It was because he saw the preponderance of sectional aims rather than the participation of all in the new federation, that he criticized the Carbonari king, Charles Albert, in 1831, and that he fought against the policy of obtaining at the cost of Savoy and Nice "a truncated Italy of monarchy and diplomacy, the creation of Victor Emmanuel, Louis Napoleon, and Cavour." He lived to see Italy. nominally at least, a united nation, freed from foreign control; but far from being the ideal republic whose law is from above, and whose strength is in the supreme devotion of each citizen to the good of all, and to the realization in this manner of a Divine government in the world. Toward the attainment of this ideal by progressive governments everywhere, the influence of Mazzini will long be a powerful factor, and his mission more and more recognized as that of a true prophet of a new political era of the world.

Among Mazzini's literary writings may be mentioned his essays on 'Victor Hugo,' 'George Sand,' 'Byron and Goethe,' 'The Genius and Tendency of the Writings of Thomas Carlyle,' and that on 'M. Renan and France.' His 'Life and Writings,' in six volumes, were published in London in 1870; and a volume of Essays, Selected,' in 1887.

Tank Sewall

F

FAITH AND THE FUTURE

From the Essays'

AITH requires an aim capable of embracing life as a whole, of concentrating all its manifestations, of directing its various modes of activity, or of repressing them all in favor of one alone. It requires an earnest, unalterable conviction that that aim will be realized; a profound belief in a mission and the obligation to fulfill it; and the consciousness of a supreme power watching over the path of the faithful towards its accomplishment. These elements are indispensable to faith; and where any one of these is wanting, we shall have sects, schools, political parties, but no faith,-no constant hourly sacrifice for the sake of a great religious idea.

Now we have no definite religious idea, no profound belief in an obligation entailed by a mission, no consciousness of a supreme protecting power. Our actual apostolate is a mere analytical opposition; our weapons are interest, and our chief instrument of action is a theory of rights. We are all of us, notwithstanding our sublime presentiments, the sons of rebellion. We advance like renegades, without a God, without a law, without a banner to lead us towards the future. Our former aim has vanished from our view; the new, dimly seen for an instant, is effaced by that doctrine of rights which alone directs our labors. We make of the individual both the means and the aim. We talk of humanity—a formula essentially religious-and banish religion from our work. We talk of synthesis, and yet neglect the most powerful and active element of human existence. Bold enough to be undaunted by the dream of the material unity of Europe, we thoughtlessly destroy its moral unity by failing to recognize the primary condition of all association,—uniformity of sanction and belief. And it is amidst such contradictions that we pretend to renew a world.

Right is the faith of the individual. Duty is the common collective faith. Right can but organize resistance: it may destroy, it cannot found. Duty builds up, associates, and unites: it is derived from a general law, whereas right is derived only from human will. There is nothing, therefore, to forbid a struggle against right; any individual may rebel against any right in another individual which is injurious to him, and the sole judge left between the adversaries is force: and such in fact has frequently been the answer which societies based upon right have given to their opponents.

Societies based upon duty would not be compelled to have recourse to force; duty, once admitted as the rule, excludes the possibility of struggle; and by rendering the individual subject to the general aim, it cuts at the very root of those evils which right is unable to prevent, and only affects to cure. Moreover, progress is not a necessary result of the doctrine of right: it merely admits it as a fact. The exercise of rights being of necessity limited by capacity, progress is abandoned to the arbitrary rule of an unregulated and aimless liberty.

The doctrine of rights puts an end to sacrifice, and cancels martyrdom from the world: in every theory of individual rights, interests become the governing and motive power, and martyrdom