cile dictu videtur, quae cujusque divinationis ratio, quae causa sit. He therefore endeavours first of all to prove that it is true in point of fact, whether it can be explained or not.

notavit took note of the different fulfilments'. Cf. above II 166 usus notavit (ostenta), Div. 1 94 Arabes...cantus avium et volatus notaverunt, ib. II 91 notant sidera natalicia Chaldaei.

fissum jecoris: the liver was considered the most important of all the exta for the purposes of divination. We learn from Ezekiel xxi 21 that it was consulted in Babylon. Plato makes it the organ of dreams during life and of augury after death (Tim. 71 foll.). One face of the liver was called pars inimica, i.e. relating to the enemy, the other pars familiaris, i.e. relating to the person interested; each face was divided by a fissum or limes, and the omen was favorable according to the direction and regularity of the division and the richness of the vessels, cf. Div. II 28 quo modo est collatum inter ipsos, quae pars inimica, quae pars familiaris esset, quod fissum periculum, quod commodum aliquod ostenderet? ib. 32 fissum familiare et vitale tractant; caput jecoris ex omni parte diligentissime considerant; Lucan 1 621 cernit tabe jecur madidum, venasque minaces hostili de parte videt; pulmonis anheli fibra latet parvusque secat vitalia limes; Liv. VIII 9, Seneca Oedip. 363, Bouché Leclercq IV 69 foll.

cornicis cantum: cf. Div. 1 12 omittat urgere Carneades, quod faciebat etiam Panaetius requirens, Juppiterne cornicem a laeva, corvum ab dextera canere jussisset; ib. 1 85 ‘what reason has the augur to assign cur a dextra corvus, a sinistra cornix faciat ratum?'

sortes: divination by lots (cleromancy) was familiar to the Hebrews, as in the case of Achan, Jonathan, Matthias; and to the Greeks, as in the selection of a champion to meet the challenge of Hector, see Bouché Leclercq I 189. It was however much more prevalent in Italy, and thus the word sortes is often used in a secondary sense of any kind of oracle; so that Cic. has to distinguish in Div. II 70 sortes eae quae ducuntur, non illae quae vaticinatione funduntur. Usually the lots were little wooden tablets placed in an urn, situla (see above 1 106). A set of bronze lots with sentences inscribed on each have been found near Patavium and are supposed to be the lots of Geryon consulted by Tiberius (Suet. Tib. 14). The inscriptions are given in Mommsen's Corpus I pp. 267-270 and in Bouch Leclercq IV 155. There were sortes also at Caere, the shrivelling of which was esteemed a bad omen (sortes extenuatas Liv. XXI 62. Leclercq seems to adopt Lamb.'s emendation extaeniatas, i.e. ‘loosened from the bundle', see his vol. IV p. 146); at Falerii, of which Livy tells us (XXII 1) sortes sua sponte attenuatas unamque excidisse ita scriptam Mavors telum suum concutit'; at the fountain of Clitumnus (Plin. Ep. VIII 8); but above all in the temple of Fortuna Primigenia at Praeneste, of which Cicero gives the following account (Div. II 85): quid enim sors est? idem prope modum quod micare, quod talos jacere; tota res est inventa fallaciis foll. He then proceeds to give the legend of the place, how a certain Numerius Suffustius

was bidden by a vision to cut through the rock in a certain spot, upon which sortes erupisse in robore insculptas priscarum litterarum notis. "The lots were placed in a sacred chest, from which they Fortunae monitu pueri manu miscentur atque ducuntur. In other shrines the lots have ceased to be consulted, but Praeneste still retains its fame among the vulgar; which gave rise to the remark of Carneades nusquam se fortunatiorem quam Praeneste vidisse Fortunam'. The oracle of Praeneste recovered its old repute in the general revival of superstition under the Empire, see Suet. Tib. 63. In the third century of our era the old wooden lots were exchanged for the sortes Virgilianae (Lamprid. Alex. Sev. 4, Trebell. Poll. Claud. 10, Vopiscus Firm. 3). We read of lots being employed in the temple of Zeus at Dodona (Div. 1 76). Lots were in use also with the strolling fortune-tellers of Rome (sortilegi), to whom we find contemptuous allusions in Div. I 132, Hor. Sat. 1 9. 29, and 113. See on the general subject Mayor on Juvenal 1 82, Marquardt III pp. 93, 94, 99, 100, 101, Van Dale de Orac. c. 13, Bouché Leclercq 1.c.

quibus ego credo: cf. n. on § 5 opiniones quas a majoribus accepimus, and Div. 11 28 (haruspicinam) ego reipublicae causa communisque religionis colendam censeo; but such expressions are a mere pretence ne communia jura migrare videatur, as Quintus says, Div. 1 8; and, in the second book of the De Div., Cicero makes no secret of his own disbelief in omens of all kinds, see II 16 nondum dico quam haec signa nulla sint, fissum jecoris, corvi cantus, volatus aquilae, stellae trajectio, voces furentium, sortes, somnia, also §§ 41, 127, 147.

Atti Navii: above II 9. But in the Academic argument of Div. II 80 we read omitte lituum Romuli, contemne cotem Atti Navii. Nihil debet esse in philosophia commenticiis fabellis loci.

praesertim cum: the mistakes of the diviners make it more difficult to conjecture how the science grew up (qui ista intellecta sint, lit. 'how these portents got to be understood'). We find divinus in the sense of 'prophetic' in Horace Od. III 27. 10 imbrium divina avis imminentum ; then as a substantive Liv. 1 36 age dum, divine tu, inaugura; Div. 11 9 nescio qui ille divinus; Fat. 15 Chaldaeos ceterosque divinos.

§ 15. at medici falluntur: see II 12.

quid simile: 'in what respect does medicine resemble divination?' lit. 'is medicine a similar thing and divination (a similar thing)?' cf. above § 9 on quam simile. For the omission of the verb cf. Hor. Sat. II 3. 99 quid simile isti Graecus Aristippus? Heind. and Wopkens supply est: Dav. supplied habet, in accordance with the more common construction found in Div. II 65 quid simile habet passer annis; Fam. 1x 21 quid simile habet epistula aut judicio aut contioni? Cotta's objection will not really hold water. Experience may show a connexion between different sets of phenomena, though we may have no theory to account for the connexion, or even though it militates against accepted theories.

Deciorum: 11 10. For exx. of vicarious sacrifice among the ancients

see Lasaulx d. Suhnopfer d. Griechen u. Römer cited by Thomson Lectures on the Atonement nn. 23 and 25; Mayor on Juvenal VIII 257; Nägelsbach N. Theol. pp. 196, 355; Trench Hulsean Lectures p. 206 (on papμakoi, каbáрμата, áñотрónaio); Spencer's n. on Orig. Cels. I 31, Perizon. on Aelian V.H. XII 28. Instances in the Bible are the hanging of the descendants of Saul by David 2 Sam. xxi, the sacrifice of the son of the king of Moab 2 Kings iii 27. The most famous in Greece are Iphigenia at Aulis, Alcestis and Codrus. For the daughters of Erechtheus and Leos see below § 50. The vicarious principle is stated by Livy vIII 10 § 7 (Decius) omnes minas periculaque ab dis superis inferisque in se unum vertit; by Caesar B. G. vI 16 (of the Gauls) pro vita hominis nisi hominis vita reddatur non posse aliter deorum immortalium numen placari arbitrantur; by Virgil Aen. v 815 unum pro multis dabitur caput; Lucan II 306 (Cato's speech) O utinam caelique deis Erebique liberet hoc caput in cunctas damnatum exponere poenas.....hic redimat sanguis populos, hac caede luatur quicquid Romani meruerunt pendere mores. [Nep. x 10 § 2 ut eum suo sanguine, si possent, cuperent redimere. J. E. B. M.] Plutarch (Morals p. 815 D) speaks of it as the duty of a ruler to take upon himself all the evil which may threaten the commonwealth, and gives instances in which such generosity has been successful in averting evil. Origen (Cels. 1 31) compares the Crucifixion with the selfsacrifice of the Decii: 'He who was crucified voluntarily embraced this death in behalf of mankind, as others have died for their country, or to avert famine or other calamities in accordance with the mysterious law of nature ὡς ἕνα δίκαιον ὑπὲρ τοῦ κοινοῦ ἀποθανόντα ἑκουσίως ἀποτροπιασμοὺς ἐμποιεῖν φαύλων δαιμονίων ἐνεργούντων λοιμοὺς ἢ ἀφορίας ή δυσπλοίας κ.τ.λ. So Philo (Abr. c. 33) of the sacrifice of Isaac.

tanta iniquitas: compare the indignant lines in which Lucretius speaks of the sacrifice of Iphigenia 1 84 foll. The objection could not but make itself felt, as the reason and conscience grew in freedom and enlightenment. It is repeated below § 90 'you make the Gods exact penalties from the guiltless', O miram aequitatem deorum! ferretne civitas ulla latorem istius modi legis, ut condemnaretur filius aut nepos, si pater aut avus deliquisset? Arnobius VII 40 repeats it in reference to the case (mentioned Div. 1 55) where a rustic was punished by the death of his son for disobedience to a command received in a vision, quisquam est hominum qui fuisse illum deum credat, tam injustum, tam impium, nec mortalium saltem constituta servantem, apud quos nefas haberetur magnum, alterum pro altero plecti, et aliena delicta aliorum cervicibus vindicari? We find the same protest against a mechanical view of sacrifice in the Bible, Will the Lord be pleased with thousands of lambs? shall I give the fruit of my body for the sin of my soul?' (Micah vi 7); 'The soul that sinneth it shall die' (Ezek. xviii 4). As an objection against the Christian doctrine of the Atonement it is discussed in Butler's Analogy II c. 5 and is thus stated by him: "The doctrine of Christ's being appointed to suffer for the sins of the world represents God as being indifferent whether he punished the innocent or

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the guilty'. His answer (limited by his choice of the analogical argument) is that it is at all events in accordance with the order of nature; the innocent suffer both voluntarily and involuntarily for the sins of the guilty. It is in fact a consequence of the solidarity of mankind: the good or the evil done by one spreads through all; and the more so, the more the one stands forward as representing the race or the community, peccant reges, plectuntur Achivi. In its human aspect an act of atoning selfsacrifice is the highest and most inspiring manifestation of generosity and nobleness, the magnet which draws all men upwards; in its divine aspect it is God's acceptance and forgiveness of all, as sharing in the goodness of one; while for the individual it is, irrespective of all further consequences, the attainment of his highest ideal, the consciousness of the favour of God and the gratitude of men. But all this of course implies more than the mere opus operatum of sacrifice; it implies the spirit of sacrifice, not only in him who devotes himself, but in all who are to share in the benefits of the sacrifice.

placari populo: cf. Tusc. IV 37 quietus animo est sibique ipse placatus. OTрarnynua: the MSS give the word in Latin letters, and so it is printed in Wesenberg's ed. of Att. v 2 Rufio noster strategemate hominem percussit. Val. Max. has a section (VII 4) headed strategemata. L. and S. cite as exx. of its use all the references given under the heading strategema in the index to Duker's ed. of Florus, but, as far as I am aware, the word itself is not used by that writer. In the fourth book of Frontinus, which is a sort of appendix dealing with extraordinary kinds of oтраrηynμatika in contrast. with the ordinary rules of strategy treated of in the earlier books, mention is made of the self-devotion of Decius (IV 5 § 15). But there can be little doubt that the action was done with a genuine belief in its religious significance, not from the 'political' motives assigned by rationalizing Academics; cf. the explanation of the divine honours paid to Erechtheus (below § 50), of the institution of augury (Div. 11 43 hoc fortasse rei publicae causa constitutum est). The word imperatorius, which is here made equivalent to the Greek σтparηyików, is freely used by Cic. for anything which belongs to or befits a general, as of the eagle eye of Marius (Balb. 49) ille imperatorius ardor oculorum.

nam Fauni: a harsh instance of the transitional use of nam, for which see I 27, II 67 and Index.

quid sit nescio: cf. II 6 n. The doubt as to the nature of Faunus is easily explained from the inconsistent voice of tradition. Was he an old king of Latium, or an ancient bard or seer, or is he the Greek Pan, or a Latin God of fertility, or merely a tricksy goblin? Or is he indeed any thing more than an echo?

A f. Of the remaining three arguments of Cleanthes, the two which deal with the blessings of life and the order of the heavenly bodies will be treated under the head of Providential Government (C);

the third, which deals with the awe-inspiring phenomena of nature, was doubtless effective in producing a belief in the Gods, but is far from proving that belief to be valid. §§ 16, 17.

Ch. VII § 16. quattuor modis: in II 13. The order however, as Sch. observes, is changed, the 2nd cause of book II (ex commodis) being here placed 3rd, as Cotta proposes to defer its consideration along with that of the 4th cause, and no doubt both of these causes may be fitly considered under the head of Providence, so as to avoid the repetition occasioned in the second book by the treatment of the same topic under different heads. But the question being whether the universe does or does not exhibit signs of a creative and administrative intelligence, Balbus is certainly justified in protesting, as he does below, against the postponement of his strongest arguments and the assumption in the meanwhile that the opposite has been proved. It is possible that the subject was really thus divided by Carneades, who of course had not the argument of Posidonius before him to answer he may have briefly considered the argument from consensus and then gone on to examine the proof of the providential government of the world.

ex perturbationibus: II 14. This cause corresponds to the Meteorological Theory of mythology advocated by Kuhn and others, which is thus stated by Max Müller (Lect. vol. II p. 519): 'Clouds, storms, rain, lightning and thunder were the spectacles that above all others impressed the imagination of the early Aryans, and busied it most in finding terrestrial objects to compare with their ever-varying aspect... The coming and going of the celestial luminaries they regarded with more composure because of their regularity; but they could never cease to feel the liveliest interest in those wonderful meteoric changes, so lawless and mysterious in their visitations, which wrought such immediate and palpable effects for good or ill on the lives and fortunes of the beholders' (abbreviated).

ex commoditate rerum quas percipimus=ex commodis rebus (or commoditatibus) quas p.

ex constantia: this corresponds to the Solar Theory thus described by Max Müller (p. 518): 'I consider the regular recurrence of phenomena an almost indispensable condition of their being raised, through the charms of mythological phraseology, to the rank of immortals, and I give a proportionately small space to meteorological phenomena, such as clouds, thunder and lightning, which, although causing for a time commotions in nature and in the heart of man, would not be ranked together with the immortal bright beings, but would rather be classed either as their subjects or as their enemies'. For my own part I consider the Stoical theory, which recognizes both of these causes, as well as the animism of Tylor and H. Spencer, to be truer and more philosophical than any of the partial theories.

§ 17. sint necne sint: this is not exactly the point. Cleanthes is dealing with a question of history not of philosophy, and is merely cited