29. mutat merces. Virg. Ecl. iv. 39.

39. poetis. See Madvig, Gr. 393, c. and obs. 1; also his Opusc. A. Altera, p. 29.

40. concludere. So claudere in Ov. Pont. IV. xvi. 36; Pers. i. 93. [0.]

48. See Terent. Heaut. v. i. 47 sqq.

64. illud, used of what follows, as in v. 77. Cp. Liv. xxvi. 13: Illud iræ . . . indicium est. Madv. Gr. 485, quotes Cic. Divin. i. 10, tum illud imprimis the following circumstance particularly.' 6 So in Greek, ékeivos, as in Soph. Aj. 94; and by itself elliptically, as in Eur. Phon. 519, éкevo d'illud dico, illud agitur. Cp. Eur. Fragm. xvii, 43, Ερεχθεύς.

67. bene.

Observe this as an exception to the rule stated on v. 109.

73. Ov. Trist. v. vii. 27:

Nil equidem feci, tu scis hoc ipse, theatris;

Musa nec in plausus ambitiosa mea est.

79. unde petitum ...jacis. Cp. the construction in E. I. ii. 166, and note there.

80. This order of words is peculiar; quibus closing the sentence, and cum preceding, not following it.

81. Absentem, etc. This passage is translated in B. Jonson, Poetaster, Act V.

86. quaternos. The distributive numeral, four on each couch, i. e. twelve in all.' A somewhat crowded party therefore (as [D.] quotes, Cic. in Pis. 27: nihil apud hunc lautum, nihil elegans, . . . Græci stipati, quini in lectulis, sæpe plures'), and crowded for the sake of some umbra or scurra, who would afford amusement.

87. Cp. Eur. Melamp. Fr. 29:

ἀνδρῶν δὲ πολλοὶ τοῦ γέλωτος οἵνεκα

ἀσκοῦσι χάριτας κερτόμους· ἐγὼ δέ πως
μισῶ γελοίους οἵτινες μὲν ἐπὶ σοφῶν
ἀχάλιν ̓ ἔχουσι στόματα.

aspergere. Cp. linguâ aspergere, Cic. ad Her. iv. 49. So below

S. I. vii. 32, perfusus.

90. This character of a niger answers nearly to Canning's 'Candid Friend,' in the Anti-Jacobin:

Candour, which spares its foes nor e'er descends

With bigot zeal to combat for its friends:
Candour, which loves in seesaw strain to tell

Of acting foolishly, but meaning well:
Too nice to praise by wholesale or to blame,
Convinced that all men's motives are the same;
And finds, with keen discriminating sight,
Black's not so black, nor white so very white.

104. hoc... juris. Cp. hoc via juris habet,' Ov. Nux, 134; and 'juris idem,' Ib. 138. So officii. . . idem,' Fast. i. 46. Cp. Liv. ix. 19: hoc enim roboris erat.'

105. insuevit... hoc me. He trained me to this (i. e. to free speech and raillery) while he marked out in particular examples existing vices, that I might be deterred from them.' Comp. Ter. Adelph. Act III. Sc. iii. 60:

Nihil prætermitto, consuefacio, denique

Inspicere tanquam in speculum vitas omnium
Jubes, atque ex aliis sumere exemplum sibi.

106. exemplis.

Quoniam ratione non poterat, v. 115, sq.' [0.]

108. Cp. the wish, Frui paratis, C. 1. xxxi. 17.

109. ut male vivat how wretchedly off he is!' Cp. E. 1. xvii. 10. The opposite of bene, not of recte vivere; bene esse, or vivere, mostly signifies ' enjoyment,' S. II. ii. 120; E. 1. vi. 56; recte vivere, rectitude,' as in E. 1. xvi. 17. So it is opposed to suaviter, in E. 1. viii. 4. So below, v. 134, rectius differs from melius. See also C. III. xxiv. 9, App.

125. rumore malo =‘are branded with infamy.'

126. ut ægros. [O.] reads et, but with no mention of any various reading. Is it a misprint?

127. Exanimat. A frequent word with Cicero. So the subst. exanimatio, De Off. i. 36.

128. teneros, i. e. not yet hardened by vice.

131. et istinc. Even from those which you impute to me.

133. lectulus. Cp. jaceo, S. L. vi. 122, and note; and Bentley's quotation of Pliny, Ep. v. 5: jacere in lectulo suo compositus in habitum studentis, habere ante se scrinium ita ut solebat.'

135. melius. See above, on v. 109. But on the root and radical meaning of the word, see Donaldson, Varronianus, ch. x. p. 393.

136. illi, masc. g. according to the idiom noticed in App. on C. II. vi. 14. Cp. istis, S. 1. vi. 92.

SAT. V.

After the war of Perusia (which closed with the sack of the town in the beginning of the year 40, B.C.) there was still danger indicated of an outbreak between the triumvirs and of another civil war. But an accommodation, in part helped forward by the death of Fulvia, was arrived at, and the treaty of Brundisium negotiated by Mæcenas, Pollio, and Cocceius. (See Merivale, Hist. ch. xxvii. p. 229, sqq.) The interest attaching to this peace, the longing for it at Rome, and the joy felt when it seemed completed by the treaty (of Misenum) with S. Pompey in the next year, are supposed to find expression in Virgil's Fourth Eclogue. (See Mer. pp. 232, 243, 8vo ed.) Sextus, however, unable to enforce his claims on Achaia, refused to fulfil his stipulations. War again broke Octavian renewed through Mæcenas his negotiations with Antony, now in Athens, who promised to act with him. But when he appeared

out.

off Brundisium with his fleet, he was forbidden to land. A fresh mediation was needed, and resulted in what is called the treaty of Tarentum, B.C. 37 (Mer. p. 249); when a scheme of joint action was concerted, and a renewal of the triumvirate for five years engaged for.

For determining the date of the Iter Brundisinum, it is to be observed that this Satire gives no assistance; it affirms nothing beyond the importance of the interests at stake (v. 28); and that the mission was not the first of its kind (v. 29), and, incidentally, that it was undertaken in the spring of the year. (This is inferred from the mention of the frogs' concert' in v. 14.) On a first view it was natural to connect the occasion of it with the negotiations of B. c. 40, considering the express mention of Brundisium, and the notoriety and importance of that convention. Accordingly many commentators (and with them E. H. B. in the recent Dict. of Geography, art. Brundisium) assign this date to the Iter. But there is evidence, negative and positive, to show that Horace did not enjoy the patronage of Maecenas so early. Negative, because from the battle of Philippi, fought in October or November B.C. 42, there could be only about fifteen months down to the period in question. Nearly a year elapsed between the first acquaintance and the subsequent intimacy (nono mense, S. 1. vi. 61), and so less than half a year would be allowed for the poet's return with the defeated fugitives to Rome, for his settling there, gaining his post of employment, and a favourable mention. The positive evidence is, that in S. II. vi. 40 (the date of which is restrained, by the circumstances mentioned in vv. 38, 53, and 56, to the year 30 or the end of 31 Bc.) it is affirmed that his familiarity with Mæcenas (suorum in numero) had commenced less than eight years before, i.e. in 38 B.C. or 39, at soonest.

Kirchner (Quæst. Horat.) gives a full review of the circumstances, and argues strongly for connecting the Iter with the treaty of Tarentum. The difficulty is why Brundisium should be mentioned as the end of the journey rather than Tarentum. The solution of the difficulty is no doubt conjectural; but it is to be borne in mind that the Satire is not an explanatory one, nor does it touch on public affairs. Thus, while possibly Brundisium (off which Antony's fleet had arrived) was the intended terminus, Horace, not being a political friend but merely an amusing companion, may well have been left behind when the place of meeting was altered, while his patron went forward to meet Octavian. If he went on to Tarentum (as Walckenaer, with a reference to Car. ii. 6, supposes him to have done), political reserve might be a sufficient reason for his silence on the subject. The opportunity for humorous description

must have ended with the arrival at Brundisium.

For the topographical details Walckenaer, livr. iv. c. 7, may be consulted; and Gibbon's Essay, where he examines this journey, and that of Cicero into Cilicia, as illustrative examples of Roman travelling. I have set down the distances according to Orelli's computation, with Gibbon's variations. The time occupied is not distinctly expressed in the Satire; Orelli makes it out as seventeen days, Gibbon as twelve, Walckenaer as fourteen. The distance is reckoned by the first as 314 miles, two days being omitted; by Gibbon as 369, by Walckenaer as 378 Roman miles.

1. Aricia. Connected with the legend of Hippolytus, Ov. Fast. iii. 263; Virg. Æn. vii. 761. Now Riccia, sixteen miles from Rome.

3. Forum Appi. Now Borgo Lungo, twenty-seven miles from Aricia. 11. The travellers had now arrived at the Fossa Augusti, a canal, called also Decennovium, from its length of nineteen Roman miles, running parallel with the Appian Way.

Gr. παραβαλοῦ, οι τὴν

12. Huc appelle, come alongside here.' ǎкатоν πараẞáλλov, as in Ar. Ran. 180, Equ. 762.

Trecentos. Sexcenti is the most common term for an indefinite number; here it is halved, in S. II. iii. 61 it is doubled.

26. Anxur. The Volscian name of Terracina (see Plin. N. H. iii. 9), twenty miles (eighteen acc. to Gibbon) from Forum Appi.

33. non ut ut non. So in E. I. xv. 28, 9, non qui.

37. lassi. This had been a long day's journey; Formiæ being twentysix miles beyond Anxur (twenty-nine, Gibbon).

40. Sinuessæ. Now Rocca di Mondragone, eighteen miles from Formiæ.

43. complexus. Cp. 'Illum complexi ut mos amicorum est,' Cic. Ac. Q. in proœmio.

45. Campano ponti. Three miles further, [O.] (nine acc. to Walck., eighteen, Gibbon).

47. Capua. Twenty-two miles further, [O.] (seventeen, Walck., sixteen, Gibbon).

50. Cocceii villa. Twenty-one miles from Capua.

58. Cp. Juv. xii. 6, frontemque coruscat.

64. larva. Here'a mask' (persona pallentis hiatus, Juv. iii. 175). Gr. μopμoλúкelov. Derived apparently from Lar. "It appears from the word Larva that the Lar was represented as a wide-mouthed figure,' Varron. p. 180.

70. produximus. The majority of MSS. favour producimus, but [0.] seems to have reason on his side in saying, 'Concinnius cum perfecto conjungitur v. illam quam cum præsenti, quod requireret potius hanc.'

71. Beneventum. Originally Maleventum, the Latin form of the Gr. Maλóels (cp. Tarentum from Tápas, Agrigentum). But for the popular account of the name and the change of it, see Liv. x. 15; ix. 27. It was distant from Cocceius's villa twelve miles (eight, Gibbon).

72. arsit dum versat. See C. I. x. 11, and Appendix; cp. v. 100, dum... cupit.

74. lambere, to play upon. Virg. Æn. ii. 684.

78. Plin. N. H. xvii. 24, speaks of Atabulus as a blighting wind.

80. fumo. The high situation of this farm, among the Apennines, must have made it damp and cold even late in the spring. So Walck, vol. i. p. 222.

87. On the name Equus Tuticus, see Varronianus, p. 138; in voc. Touticus, an Oscan word.

94. fessi pervenimus. Both these words imply a longer day's journey than usual. Gibbon infers that they did not halt at Canusium. Rubi

...

95. corruptius . . . via pejor. 'The repeated complaints on this subject give reason for suspecting that the Appian Way then reached only to Capua, and that it was not Julius Cæsar that carried it to Brundisium,' Gibbon, p. 344. Capua was the original terminus of this Queen of Roads;' it was continued to Beneventum, where it divided into two branches, the northern one derived from Gnatia, the name of Via Egnatia.

97. Barî. Twenty-two miles from Rubi, donc comme aujourd'hui habitée par des pêcheurs,' Walck.

100.

Gnatia. Thirty-seven miles from Barium.

Recte Bentl. "Judæi habitabant trans Tiberim et multo maximam partem erant libertini .... Apella autem libertinorum est nomen, satis frequens in Inscriptt." [0.]

104. Brundisium. Forty-four miles from Egnatia.

SAT. VI.

1. Lydorum... Etruscos. The account in Herodotus of the Lydian emigration is contradicted by Dionysius, Halic. 1, and doubt is thrown upon its value as historical fact. For a description of the races of Etruria, their names and language, see Varronianus, ch. i. with the map by the title-page, and ch. v. § 11. The conclusion there obtained is, that the country was inhabited chiefly by two distinct peoples, Tyrrheni and Etrusci.

(a) The Tyrrheni were a branch of the great Pelasgian family. Sophocles (Inach. Fr. 256) combines the two names, Tuponvoîoɩ Пeλaoyoîs. Both in fact are descriptive names, and are translated: 1. the tower-builders,' from Túpois, i. e. turris (cp. Pindar, Ol. ii. 70), the Pelasgian settlements being everywhere marked by gigantic Cyclopean' buildings; and 2. 'the swarthy Asiatics' (Varr. p. 37).

(8) The Etrusci, or Hetrusci, were (probably) of the same stock as the Ræti; they are supposed to have invaded and conquered the Tyrrheni, who may, however, have remained in the country as TEрíοIKоL, especially in South Etruria, while the dominant race held the cities. (From Liv. x. 4, and ix. 36, it is inferred that the town language differed from that of the country, also that the country dialect of Care was intelligible as far north as Clusium.) The Etrusci called themselves Rasena (Paσéra, Dionys.), a name perhaps cognate to Rati; probably meaning 'rapid,' and if so, a natural designation of a warrior tribe. Donaldson compares the Todas wкús of Homer, and the Roman term for their (anciently) highest class, Celeres; and remarks by the way that a leading Rætian tribe has the epithet veloces, in Hor. C. iv. xiv. 11.

4. legionibus. These must have been foreign, i. e. Etruscan armies, for there is no Cilnius or Mæcenas among the consular names at Rome. Merivale, Hist. ch. xxvii. vol. iii. p. 271 (note).

8. dum ingenuus, i.e. provided he be freeborn, no slave. This general patronage could not of course include slaves. But the son of a libertinus was considered ingenuus. Some (as Gesner) understand it as = ingenuis moribus; not so well.