positions of those who pay little or no regard to statistics; yet when we calmly consider all the adverse circumstances which affected the Union men of the South, we can readily understand how, after all, so few of them were found fighting on the right side. How terrible, indeed, throughout all the South, was the Reign of Terror! How many died of lawless. and fiendish violence on the part of mobs, and how many by the sanguinary hands of desperate individuals, who, with impunity, were allowed to slay and slaughter at their own frenzied caprice, no tongue nor pen may ever tell.

At the mere remembrance of some of the appalling accounts of bloodthirstiness and torture and death which have been narrated to me personally, and of others which I have read in the newspapers (and in the substantial truth of which I have too much reason to believe) my heart sorely sickens, and shrinks from the recital of details. Yet precisely such barbarous conduct as, both during the war and before the war, characterized the men of the South, would, in the main, have also characterized the men of the North, had they, too, been brutalized by life-long association with negroes and negro slaves.

Living in communities composed exclusively of themselves, and not corrupted by personal intercourse with any inferior race, it is white men only who refine themselves from the dross, and who lift themselves above the savagery, of sheer revenge and cruelty. A state of refinement and amiability such as is here referred to, a state of refinement and amiability both of the head and the heart, the like of which has not hitherto been known among men, may be expected to make its simultaneous and permanent appearance in all parts of America, so soon as our country shall have been thoroughly cleansed of the vulgar and disgusting negroes and their next of kin, who must themselves be required to be the unreturnable

bearers hence of their own worse than worthles bodies and nauseous odors.

Only let all the killow-colored refuse of humanity be whiffed beyond the confines of the life which, by their countless shortcomings and crimes, they have forfeited, substituting in their places white people; and then, from one end of our land to the other, from furthest side to furthest side, and from nadir to zenith, will be found prevailing, in exquisite and inexhaustible fullness, health, harmony and happiness. Then will America be seen "ruling its destinies, preeminent alike in wealth and population, manners and religion, law, literature and arts." Then, indeed, from the far east to the remote west, and from the outskirts of the north to the distant south,

"Corn shall make the young man cheerful,

And new wine the maids."

Depart, therefore, ye wicked and abandoned blacks, into the regions of darkness and deep despair and oblivion prepared for you, and for all akin to you, from the foundation of the world; and let the radiant and gem-like gates of glory, affixed to pillars of gold, be opened wide for the reception of the righteous and Heaven-blessed whites, who, while ineffably happy amidst diamond-fenced fields of superb fruits and flowers, shall, with constantlyincreasing joy, bask forever in floods of richly-perfumed and silvery-sparkling light!

CHAPTER VIII

THIRTEEN KINDRED PAGES FROM THE IMPENDING CRISIS.

I am not, and never have been, in favor of making voters or jurors of negroes; nor of qualifying them to hold office, nor to intermarry with whites; and I will say further, in addition to this, that there is a physical difference between the black and white races, which I believe will forever forbid the two races living together on terms of social and political equality.-LINCOLN.

I believe this Government was made by white men, for the benefit of white men and their posterity forever; and I am in favor of confining citizenship to white men-men of European birth and descent, instead of conferring it upon negroes, Indians, and other inferior races.-DOUGLAS,

The proverbs of Theognis, like those of Solomon, are observations on human nature, ordinary life, and civil society, with moral reflections on the facts. I quote him as a witness of the fact, that there is as much difference in the races of men as in the breeds of sheep, and as a sharp reprover and censurer of the sordid, mercenary practice of disgracing birth by preferring gold to it. Surely no authority can be more expressly in point to prove the existence of inequalities, not of rights, but of moral, intellectual, and physical inequalities in families, descents and generations.-JOHN ADAMS.

Does there exist any good reason why the man who has fearlessly taken by the horns a brave bull, should timorously hesitate to seize by the ears a cowardly calf? Should the huntsman who has successfully bearded a lion in his den, shrink or recoil from combat with an opossum? If the traveler, who is in only moderate health, be able to contend single-handed with a wolf in the way, shall he not, when in the very vigor of manhood, be confident of his ability to worry a weasel?

There is, it is believed, a peculiar fitness in the fact that this exposure of the utter unworthiness and worthlessness of the negroes, should be made by one who had previously made a thorough exposition of the political follies and corruptions of the negro-owners themselves. The little David hereof, having, therefore, first attacked

and overcome the strongest and the subtlest of mankind, now advances to wage vigorous and effective warfare against the weakest and the meanest and woe to the black, woe to the brown, who allows himself to be confronted anywhere on the soil of America!

Evidences shall no longer be wanting that good men, the very best men in all the world-the real salt of the earth-may be hearty haters of slavery, and, at the same time, unconditional detesters of darkies. To hate slavery, or to abominate the slaveholder (so long as he willfully advocates and defends slavery) is a virtue. To love the slave, or to honor his master (so long as the condition of mastership is purposely and wantonly maintained) is a vice. To live in juxtaposition with the negro, or to tolerate his presence even in the vicinity of white men, is, to say the least, a most shameful and disgraceful proceeding-a proceeding which, if persisted in, will, sooner or later, bring down upon all those who are guilty of it, the overwhelming vengeance of Heaven.

By cringing and fawning like a cudgel-deserving dog, by passively yielding and submitting like a dumb brute, by mimicking and begging like a poll-parrot, the negro has but too generally succeeded in foisting himself, as a parasitical slave or servant, upon white men; and has thus, upon all occasions, afforded incontestable proofs of the fact that he is, and ever has been, equally with his master, a sheer accomplice in the crime of slavery.

Richard Grant White, of the city of New York, in the course of a letter which he wrote to the London Spectator, only a few short months after the close of the slaveholders' rebellion, said with radiant truth and propriety:

"We have noticed, with some surprise, what we regard as a strange confusion of thought in England, in regard to the feeling here about slavery and about the negro. It seems to be taken for granted by most European, and even most British writers upon the

subject, that opposition to slavery and a liking of the negro, or at least a special good-will to him, must go together, and vice versa ; and that consequently a war which was accepted rather than that the point of the exclusion of slavery from free territory should be yielded, and which was prosecuted in a great measure for the extinction of slavery where it had been already established, must have as its result the elevation of the negro to the political and social level of the dominant race, or else that its professed anti-slavery motive was a mere pretence. No supposition could be more erroneous. I tell you frankly that the mass of the people here were glad to fight against slavery, but had no intention of fighting for the negro. They felt that slavery was a great crime, a sin against human nature. They wished to purge the Republic of that wickedness, but they had no particular sympathy with, though most of them much compassion for, the race against whom the wrong was committed. You in Europe seemed to be thinking about the individual negroes; we, in the mass, thought little or nothing of the individual negroes, but much of the barbarous institution of slavery."

Again, in another part of the same letter, Mr. Richard Grant White, with characteristic felicity and force of expression on his own part, related the following brief but highly significant anecdotes :

“In the last year of the war, a clergyman who had been a professor in the college where I studied, and who is one of those gentle, firm, wise men, with large souls, and wide sympathies, who can control men, and particularly young men, by mere personal influence, so that when the under-graduates were unruly or had a grievance, they would give up at once to Dr. for pure love, when his colleagues could do nothing, and all the terrors of college discipline were laughed to scorn-this man went to the South on a tour of observation, and was placed in authority, as far as slavery was concerned, over a considerable reclaimed district by one of our most eminent generals. For years before the war, he had been one of our strongest anti-slavery men, and had by his writings done as much as any one person in the country, who was not a professed journalist or politician, to bring about the state of public feeling that provoked secession. I met him on his return home, and had not talked with him three minutes before he said to me, I come back hating slavery more than ever, but loathing the negro with an unutterable loathing. What